User:Szmenderowiecki/sandbox/Politics of Poland
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The government of Poland takes the form of a unitary semi-presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the president is the head of state and the prime minister is the head of government.[1][2][3][4][5][6]
Executive power is exercised, within the framework of a multi-party system, by the president and the Government, which consists of the Council of Ministers led by the prime minister. Its members are typically chosen from the majority party or coalition, in the lower house of parliament (the Sejm), although exceptions to this rule are not uncommon. The government is formally announced by the president, and must pass a motion of confidence in the Sejm within two weeks.
Legislative power is vested in the two chambers of parliament, Sejm and Senate. Members of Sejm are elected by proportional representation, with the proviso that non-ethnic-minority parties must gain at least 5% of the national vote to enter the lower house. Currently five parties are represented. Parliamentary elections occur at least every four years.
The president, as the head of state, is the supreme commander of the Armed Forces, has the power to veto legislation passed by parliament, which may be overridden by a majority of three fifths, and can dissolve the parliament under certain conditions.[2][3][4] Presidential elections occur every five years. When a majority of voters support the same candidate, that candidate is declared the winner, while when there is no majority, the top two candidates participate in a runoff election.
The political system is defined in the Polish Constitution, which also guarantees a wide range of individual freedoms. The judicial branch plays a minor role in politics, apart from the Constitutional Tribunal, which can annul laws that violate the freedoms guaranteed in the constitution.
History
[edit]Polish monarchy (10th century - 1795)
[edit]Beginnings
[edit]The basic unit of tribal society, as in Early Slav society in general, was a clan (ród), which united several related families in one place; but it was later replaced by an opole as the Great Migration (around 6th-7th century) split the families within the clan and made neighbourly ties become more important. Free males in the opole gathered in an assembly called wiec (cf. veche), where they decided about matters of their opole and elected war chieftains under whom they later served (a form of military democracy). The chieftains consolidated their positions by taking loot, tribute or by allying with other chieftains. Several clans or later opola made a tribe (plemię), header by a tribe leader (naczelnik), and these could be still united into a so-called great tribe (plemię wielkie), which was a union of several tribes.[7]
The nucleus of the first recognised Polish state emerged around the tribal lands of the Polans, who inhabited areas in the central part of what is today known as Greater Poland. Under the old tribal system, the election of the war chieftain was a temporarily granted authority. The Piast clan was able to replace this practice in the Gniezno area with a hereditary ruler, in line with trends in other locations at the time, which ensured stability of the new state, later known as Civitas Schinesghe, under Duke Mieszko I.[8] Mieszko and his court accepted Christianity in 966.
Feudal monarchy
[edit]Poland adopted its political structure from the Carolingian monarchies to its west. At the head of the country was the monarch, which for the majority of the rule of the Piasts was a duke (książę), though occasionally (as in the case of Bolesław I the Brave and Bolesław II the Generous) Polish dukes managed to become kings (król), which title conferred great prestige. The Kingdom (Duchy) of Poland was rather unstable territorially, and after Bolesław III Wrymouth's death in 1138, it fell apart into five provinces to be ruled by his sons, but Poland would not get out of this partition until well into the 14th century. The monarch had absolute power over his domain, but in practice this depended upon the strength of the duke's position. If he was weak, the princely court, generally consisting of court officials as well as the high clergy and the nobility, could have a large influence over the direction of the country, but otherwise the monarch had full discretion over the court's composition and was free to ignore its advice.[9] The monarch's territory was seen as his private property, so he could for the most part do what he saw fit with it (however, a notable exception was inheritance rules, as the monarch was supposed to leave all his sons some sort of land).[10]
Senior administrators in the Polish court were called comes. Initially the Polish equivalent was żupan, but the most important of the comes during most of the Piast rule, the count palatine, came to be known as wojewoda (voivode; called komornik[a] in Silesia and marszałek in Western Pomerania). A voivode was initially the monarch's deputy and had a key role in the judiciary, day-to-day administration and the management of the army.[11] In fact, when the monarchs were weak, voivodes could actually be de facto rulers of the country, as exemplified by Sieciech, who led a rebellion that expelled Bolesław II the Generous and had an outsized role in the court of Władysław I Herman.[12] As feudal fragmentation took hold, each duke appointed their own voivode, but as the kingdom of Poland reunified the territories, these deputies were strong enough to resist subordination to the king, so the title came to mean a ruler of the region.[13]
An important deputy of the voivode was the chancellor (kanclerz), whose role was to create public documents and to keep seals. Chancellors were often priests, as the job required the ability to read and write. With time, chancellors created offices headed by protonotaries, who supervised notaries to do this job. Also vital were the treasurer (skarbnik), who apart from the financial duties was also the chief archivist at the court, and the minter (mincerz). Several positions were tasked with keeping the princely court well-kept, including the cup-bearer (cześnik), the steward (stolnik), the sword-bearer (miecznik), the master of the horse (koniuszy) or the standard-bearer (chorąży).[11]
The Piast's state was divided into gord districts (okręg grodowy), later castellanies, headed by a gord comes, later known as a castellan (kasztelan). Initially castellans were powerful, as they were essentially voivodes on a lower level. They summoned knights, with the help of standard-bearers, were responsible for local defences, together with his deputy wojski, collected taxes and oversaw the economy, together with the local administrator (włodarz) and exercised judicial powers that the duke did not reserve for himself, often through his deputies called gord judges (sędzia grodowy).[14] With time, their position weakened as the state splintered into increasingly smaller duchies, which meant that there was little need for strong delegates if the duke himself could manage the territory through the voivode, and some territories were granted privileges that further undermined castellan's power.[b] By the time reunification started (at the turn of the 14th century), kasztelan was more of an honorary title than a real position of power, and the final blow was dealt when the Czechs under Wenceslaus II of Bohemia introduced the office of starosta, a district (powiat) administrator appointed by the king and serving at his pleasure.[16] Władysław I Łokietek further developed this system, in part to counter the power of the voivodes.[17]
A special development since the 13th century was the development of cities, usually chartered under any of the German town laws. In a typical scenario, the proprietor of lands, generally the duke, asked colonizers (mostly Germans) to settle on their property, and appointed an enterpreneur called zasadźca to recruit the settlers. They were afforded special privileges, including tax exemptions, an autonomous court system, freedom of trade and crafts, and land. For his successful endeavour, the enterpreneur got free land and usually also became the head of the city government as a wójt (German: Vogt) or of the village government as a sołtys (German: Schultheiß). These positions were hereditary, often had additional perks as outlined in the charter, and could be sold or bought.[18] Initially, there was a power struggle between the wójt and the city council, representing citizens of the city, but in Poland the position of the sovereign's representative did not hold for long, as city councils eventually took control of all of the city government. One way was for the king to personally abolish the title, as he did after the wójt of Kraków rebelled in 1320.[19] Another way was for the city to buy out the office.[20] Thus the most important person in the city became the head of the council, known as burmistrz (German: Bürgermeister).[19]
Towards a democracy of the nobility
[edit]By the beginning of the 14th century, the situation in Poland began to stabilise, and the last Piast rulers, Władysław Łokietek and Casimir III the Great, united most of the fragmentary duchies of Poland into one (but without Silesia and Pomerania). Łokietek was coronated in 1320, and since then, Polish rulers have been kings. However, the power of the office has gradually diminished in favour of the noble class. This happened because of the power that the noble class, szlachta, had over the monarch in their capacity as knights and because the nobility had a de facto monopoly on government offices. An informal code known as ius militare (prawo rycerskie) provided for basic rights during obligatory military service, such as being paid for military expeditions abroad, being compensated for losses during the war, and having the right to be bought out of captivity by the monarch. The nobility was also commonly understood to be able to inherit their property. However, a feature of the Polish system was the organization of the not-so-powerful knights into nests (gniazda), where several knights resided and supported each other. Their lobbying allowed them to stay within the noble class, unlike in Germany, where the rights were only extended to the high nobility.[21] As a result, the Polish noble class was exceptionally large, at 8-15% of the total population, when the norm in Europe was around 1%.[22][23] However, by the end of 14th century, access to the noble class for outsiders was essentially closed
All these people started receiving new rights in documents called privileges. Initially limited to individuals or certain lands and treated like obligations on the part of the monarch, later privileges were most often issued to seek approval for the dynastic plans of the monarchs, and also to convince the nobles to go to war. Such privileges were repeated from time to time, and as such they created a sort of a constitution.[24] Some of the guarantees that all nobles received included these:[24][25]
- the royal office of starosta was only to be occupied by Poles, and local offices could only given to local nobles (Privilege of Koszyce, 1374); later expanded to the rule that only nobles could seek government and higher ecclesiastical office, and grants of local offices must be approved by local nobles (Privilege of Jedlnia and Kraków, 1430, confirmed 1433); right to buy out the offices occupied by "disobedient and useless" sołtysi (Statute of Warta, 1423); a ban on holding certain offices simultaneously, known as the incompatibilitas rule
- the right to be treated equally, if a noble (Statute of Warta)
- prohibition on extraordinary taxes (Privilege of Buda, 1355), later expanded to no new taxes without the nobles' consent (Privilege of Koszyce) and then total exemption from taxes (Privilege of Jedlnia and Kraków)
- no new taxes or laws could be passed without approval from local assemblies, called sejmiki (Statutes of Nieszawa, 1454)
- the right to be tried according to written law and a ban on confiscation of property without a court verdict (Privilege of Czerwińsk, 1422); right against imprisonment unless proven guilty (Privilege of Jedlnia and Kraków)
- exclusive right to own and buy land (Statutes of Piotrków, 1496); restrictions on peasants' movements from noble estates
- right to rebellion against a king who disregards his obligations or violates the law (Privilege of Mielnik, 1501; reconfirmed in the Henrician Articles, 1573). Often nobles would create ad hoc organisations called confederations to achieve their goals and redress their grievances; if this included armed resistance, it was known as rokosz
By the late 15th century, the nobles had so much leverage that Poland started experimenting with legislation through nobility. The tradition of wiec was gradually implemented as sejmiki - local assemblies that could vary in jurisdiction from powiat and up to the whole province, in which case it was called a general sejmik (sejmik generalny).[26] All nobles within the jurisdiction of the sejmik could participate,[27] and in fact around 4-6% did so.[28] The more important functions of sejmiki was the appointment of nobles to the lower house of the Sejm, called Izba Poselska, 'Chamber of Envoys'; issuing instructions to said envoys; appointing members of the Crown Tribunal and Lithuanian Tribunal, the courts of last resort for most cases[c]; appointing local officials and overseeing local government, including through passing local laws called laudy.[30]
The Sejm itself was composed of the aforementioned Chamber of Envoys, which was generally composed of the middle szlachta, and the Senate. The upper chamber came from the king's council and was composed of the highest-ranking officials in the kingdom, both civil and from the church, all appointed by the king for life. The archbishop of Gniezno (primate of Poland) was considered the speaker of the Senate and was also the head of state during interregna.[31] Cities were in general not represented, but the largest of those could send non-voting envoys called ablegates to the lower chamber. The king usually summoned the Sejm every year, and since the adoption of Henrician Articles it was mandatory to call the parliament at least every other year for six weeks. The laws (called constitutions) were first processed in the Chamber of Envoys, where unanimity during voting was required.[d] After that, the Senate discussed the law but did not vote on the issue - instead, senators' opinions were compiled into the so-called conclusions by the king or his chancellor and generally followed consensus formed during the discussion. The king then modified the laws before publication, which were issued in his name. The scope of legislative powers was defined in the Nihil novi act of 1505.[e] This included taxation, giving shape to foreign policy and calling a pospolite ruszenie (levée en masse) during war. The Sejm was also overseeing the government, served as a court in cases of highest importance and had the power to issue pardons and (after 1578) ennoblement certificates.[32] Henrician Articles also gave the Sejm the power to issue declarations of war.[33]
Despite not being absolute monarchs, and even though the idea that the king was the state himself became obsolete, Polish kings still retained considerable powers. They were the ultimate legilators as all laws were issued in their name, and they could unilaterally pass edicts regulating matters in royal estates and royal cities, legislate about religious minorities and the economy. Kings were also were chief justices, but they often delegated that authority to assessors, who were normally senators; and they were additionally commanders-in-chief. The king also dictated foreign policy, which they often used to ensure benefits to their family, even if after Henrician Articles were adopted, the king's position was exercised for life but was not automatically inheritable as he was elected by the szlachta. The monarch had considerable influence in religious matters as he had the power to nominate Catholic and Orthodox high dignitaries and could also have influence over other appointments. Finally, the king was the chief executive with the sole power to appoint government officials.[34] The top government officials, most of them with representation in the Senate, were almost invariably nominated among the magnates.[35] These officials included, during the time of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, i.e. after the Union of Lublin (1569):[36]
- the Grand Marshal of the Crown (marszałek wielki koronny) and the Grand Marshal of Lithuania (marszałek wielki litewski),[f] seen as the most prestigious positions in government, were responsible for maintaining the monarch's court and were criminal judges where the king was located
- the Grand Chancellor of the Crown (kanclerz) and the Grand Chancellor of Lithuania and their alternates called podkanclerzy were responsible for maintaining the royal chancellery and making sure that no act coming therefrom was illegal. They were also effectively ministers of foreign affairs, the Lithuanian chancellor being responsible for relations with Russia and the Polish one for other countries
- the Crown Treasurer (podskarbi) and the Lithuanian Treasurer, and their alternates called court treasurers (podskarbi nadworny) were essentially ministers of finance and oversaw the mint. They also managed royal estates
- the Grand Hetman of the Crown (hetman wielki) and the Grand Hetman of Lithuania, and their deputies called field hetmans (hetman polny) were ministers of war and were leading the armies in combat
Particularly since the 17th century, it was common practice for the king to award offices to the highest bidder.[38]
Downfall of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
[edit]Executive branch
[edit]The prime minister proposes, the president appoints, and the Sejm approves the Council of Ministers. The president is elected by popular vote for a five-year term, while the prime minister and deputy prime ministers (if any) are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Sejm. The Council of Ministers is responsible to the prime minister and the Sejm.
| Office | Name | Party | Since |
|---|---|---|---|
| President | Andrzej Duda | Law and Justice | 6 August 2015 |
| Prime Minister | Donald Tusk | Civic Platform | 13 December 2023 |
Head of state
[edit]The president is elected by terms; as head of state, supreme commander of the Armed Forces, and supreme representative of the Republic of Poland. The president has the right to veto legislation, although veto may be overridden by the assembly with a three-fifths majority vote.[2][3] The president, as representative of the state in foreign affairs, shall ratify and renounce international agreements, appoint and recall the plenipotentiary representatives of the Republic of Poland and shall cooperate with the prime minister and the appropriate minister in respect of foreign policy. As Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, the president shall appoint the chief of the General Staff and commanders of branches of the Armed Forces.
The president may, regarding particular matters, convene the Cabinet Council, although it does not possess the competence of the Council of Ministers. Official acts of the president shall require, for their validity, the signature of the prime minister, nevertheless this does not apply to:
- nominating and appointing the prime minister
- shortening of the term of office of the Sejm in the instances specified in the Constitution
- introducing legislation
- requesting the Sejm to appoint the president of the National Bank of Poland
- appointing judges
- proclaiming the holding of a nationwide referendum (a consent of the Senate is required)
- signing or refusing to sign a bill
- appointing the first president of the Supreme Court, president of the Constitutional Tribunal, members of the Council for Monetary Policy, appointing and dismissing members of the National Security Council
- exercising the power of pardon
- convening the Cabinet Council
Legislative branch
[edit]| Office | Name | Party | Since |
|---|---|---|---|
| Marshal of the Senate | Małgorzata Kidawa-Błońska | Civic Platform | 13 November 2023 |
| Marshal of the Sejm | Szymon Hołownia | Poland 2050 | 13 November 2023 |
The Polish Parliament has two chambers. The lower chamber (Sejm) has 460 members, elected for a four-year term by proportional representation in multi-seat constituencies using the d'Hondt method similar to that used in many parliamentary political systems, with a 5% threshold (8% for coalitions, threshold waived for national minorities). The Senate (Senat) has 100 members elected for a four-year term under the single member, one-round first-past-the-post voting method. When sitting in joint session, members of the Sejm and Senate form the National Assembly, (Polish Zgromadzenie Narodowe).
The National Assembly is formed on three occasions: Taking the oath of office by a new president, bringing an indictment against the president of the republic to the Tribunal of State, and declaration of a President's permanent incapacity to exercise their duties due to the state of their health. Only the first kind has occurred to date. Since 1991 elections are supervised by the National Electoral Commission (Państwowa Komisja Wyborcza), whose administrative division is called the National Electoral Office (Krajowe Biuro Wyborcze).
Judicial branch
[edit]Justice
[edit]Together with the tribunals, courts form part of the judiciary in Poland.[39] Among the bodies that administer the justice system, the following are distinguished:[40]
- Supreme Court;
- common courts;
- administrative courts;
- military courts.
Moreover, in times of war, the Constitution allows for the establishment of extraordinary courts or the establishment of an ad hoc procedure.[41] Court proceedings have at least two instances.[42] The main laws regulating the operation of the judiciary are:
- The Act of 27 July 2001 - Law on the System of Common Courts;
- The Act of July 25, 2002 - Law on the System of Administrative Courts;
- The Act of August 21, 1997 - Law on the System of Military Courts;
- The Act of 23 November 2002 on the Supreme Court;
- The Act of 27 July 2001 on the National Council of the Judiciary.
Judges
[edit]Judges are appointed by the president, at the request of the National Council of the Judiciary, for an indefinite period.[43] They cannot belong to political parties or trade unions,[44] are independent, and are subject only to the Constitution and statutes.[45] They are entitled to immunity and personal inviolability.[46] Judges are also irremovable [47] and their removal from office or suspension requires a court decision.[48] The participation of other citizens in the administration of justice[clarification needed] is defined by law [49] and boils down to the application of the system of a lay judge in the first instance in common and military courts.[50]
Supreme Court
[edit]The Supreme Court (Supreme Court) is a supervisory body over common and military courts.[51] It is headed by the first president of the Supreme Court, appointed for a six-year term by the president of the Republic of Poland, from among candidates presented by the General Assembly of the Supreme Court of Justice.[52] Until 2018, the court was divided into four chambers: Civil, Criminal, Military and Labour, Social Security and Public Affairs. Since 2018, there are chambers: Civil, Criminal, Labour and Social Security, Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs, and Disciplinary. Apart from the General Assembly, the second body of judicial self-government is the College of the Supreme Court.[53]
Common judiciary
[edit]The common judiciary has three tiers.[54] Its structure consists of district, regional and appellate courts.[54] Common courts rule on criminal, civil, labor, economic and family law.[54] Until 2001, there were also misdemeanor colleges, but the Constitution abolished their functioning.[54]
Military judiciary
[edit]Military courts are criminal courts, ruling primarily on crimes committed by soldiers on active military service.[55] The structure of the military judiciary is made up of garrison courts and military district courts.[55] The Criminal Chamber (until 2018, including the Military Chamber) of the Supreme Court acts as the second instance or court of cassation.[54]
Administrative judiciary
[edit]Administrative judiciary already existed in the Second Polish Republic, but it was abolished after World War II.[56] Its gradual restoration began in 1980 with the creation of the Supreme Administrative Court (NSA).[54] The current Constitution introduced the principle of two-instance procedures, which resulted in the establishment of voivodeship administrative courts adjudicating in the first instance. Administrative courts control the legality of administrative decisions, both against the governmental and self-governmental authorities.[57] The president of the Supreme Administrative Court is appointed by the president for a six-year term, from among the candidates nominated by the General Assembly of Judges of the Supreme Administrative Court.[58]
National Council of the Judiciary
[edit]The National Council of the Judiciary is a body established to protect the independence of courts and judges.[59] He submits applications to the president to appoint judges.[43] It has the right to apply to the Constitutional Tribunal in matters relating to the compliance of normative acts with the Constitution in the area relating to the judiciary.[60] The National Council of the Judiciary consists of:[61] the first president of the Supreme Court, the minister of justice, the president of the Supreme Administrative Court, a person appointed by the president, 15 judges of the Supreme Court, common, administrative and military courts, four deputies and two senators. The term of office of elected members is four years.[62] The chairman and two of his deputies are elected from among the members of the Council.[63]
Tribunals
[edit]Elections
[edit]
2023 parliamentary elections
 | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party or alliance | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | |||
| United Right | Law and Justice | 6,286,250 | 29.11 | 157 | −30 | ||
| Sovereign Poland | 465,024 | 2.15 | 18 | +8 | |||
| The Republicans | 99,373 | 0.46 | 4 | +3 | |||
| Kukiz'15[g] | 74,959 | 0.35 | 2 | New | |||
| Independents | 715,248 | 3.31 | 13 | −8 | |||
| Total | 7,640,854 | 35.38 | 194 | −41 | |||
| Civic Coalition | Civic Platform | 4,992,932 | 23.12 | 122 | +20 | ||
| Modern | 375,776 | 1.74 | 6 | −2 | |||
| Polish Initiative | 252,021 | 1.17 | 3 | +1 | |||
| The Greens | 67,392 | 0.31 | 3 | 0 | |||
| AGROunia | 53,571 | 0.25 | 1 | New | |||
| Good Movement | 8,254 | 0.04 | 0 | New | |||
| Independents | 879,645 | 4.07 | 22 | +3 | |||
| Total | 6,629,402 | 30.70 | 157 | +23 | |||
| Third Way | Poland 2050 | 1,561,542 | 7.23 | 33 | New | ||
| Polish People's Party | 1,189,629 | 5.51 | 28 | +9 | |||
| Centre for Poland | 70,117 | 0.32 | 3 | +3 | |||
| Union of European Democrats | 21,056 | 0.10 | 0 | −1 | |||
| Independents and others | 268,326 | 1.24 | 1 | −9 | |||
| Total | 3,110,670 | 14.40 | 65 | +35 | |||
| The Left | New Left | 1,199,503 | 5.55 | 19 | −19 | ||
| Left Together | 453,730 | 2.10 | 7 | +1 | |||
| Independents and others | 205,785 | 0.95 | 0 | −5 | |||
| Total | 1,859,018 | 8.61 | 26 | −23 | |||
| Confederation | New Hope | 551,901 | 2.56 | 6 | +3 | ||
| Confederation[h] | 341,188 | 1.58 | 7 | +4 | |||
| National Movement | 199,149 | 0.92 | 0 | −5 | |||
| Confederation of the Polish Crown | 182,573 | 0.85 | 2 | New | |||
| Agreement[i] | 3,568 | 0.02 | 0 | −16 | |||
| Independents and others | 268,985 | 1.25 | 3 | +3 | |||
| Total | 1,547,364 | 7.16 | 18 | -9[j] | |||
| Nonpartisan Local Government Activists | 401,054 | 1.86 | 0 | 0 | |||
| There is One Poland | 351,099 | 1.63 | 0 | New | |||
| German Minority | 25,778 | 0.12 | 0 | −1 | |||
| Peace and Prosperity Movement | 24,850 | 0.12 | 0 | New | |||
| Normal Country | 4,606 | 0.02 | 0 | New | |||
| Anti-party | 1,156 | 0.01 | 0 | New | |||
| Repair Poland Movement | 823 | 0.00 | 0 | New | |||
| Total | 21,596,863 | 100.00 | 460 | 0 | |||
| Valid votes | 21,596,674 | 98.31 | |||||
| Invalid/blank votes | 370,217 | 1.69 | |||||
| Total votes | 21,966,891 | 100.00 | |||||
| Registered voters/turnout | 29,532,595 | 74.38 | |||||
| Source: National Electoral Commission, National Electoral Commission | |||||||
2020 presidential election
| Candidate | Party | First round | Second round | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | |||
| Andrzej Duda | Independent (PiS) | 8,450,513 | 43.50 | 10,440,648 | 51.03 | |
| Rafał Trzaskowski | Civic Platform | 5,917,340 | 30.46 | 10,018,263 | 48.97 | |
| Szymon Hołownia | Independent | 2,693,397 | 13.87 | |||
| Krzysztof Bosak | Confederation (RN) | 1,317,380 | 6.78 | |||
| Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz | Polish Coalition(PSL) | 459,365 | 2.36 | |||
| Robert Biedroń | The Left (Spring) | 432,129 | 2.22 | |||
| Stanisław Żółtek | Congress of the New Right | 45,419 | 0.23 | |||
| Marek Jakubiak | Federation for the Republic | 33,652 | 0.17 | |||
| Paweł Tanajno | Independent | 27,909 | 0.14 | |||
| Waldemar Witkowski | Labour Union | 27,290 | 0.14 | |||
| Mirosław Piotrowski | Real Europe Movement | 21,065 | 0.11 | |||
| Invalid/blank votes | 58,301 | – | 177,724 | – | ||
| Total | 19,483,760 | 100 | 20,636,635 | 100 | ||
| Registered voters/turnout | 30,204,792 | 64.51 | 30,268,460 | 68.18 | ||
| Source: Results, Turnout (first round); Results, Turnout (second round) | ||||||
National security
[edit]Poland's top national security goal is to further integrate with NATO and other west European defense, economic, and political institutions via a modernization and reorganization of its military. Polish military doctrine reflects the same defense nature as its NATO partners.
The combined[64] Polish army consists of ~164,000[65] active duty personnel and in addition 234,000 reserves. In 2009 the Armed Forces transformed into a fully professional organization and compulsory military service was abolished. Personnel levels and organization in the different branches are as follows (2004):
- Land Forces: 60,000 (4 divisions, independent units and territorial forces)
- Air Force: 26,000 (Air and Air Defense Corps)
- Navy: 14,300 (2 Fleets)
- Special Forces: 1,700 (4 Special Units – GROM, 1 PSK, "Formoza", special logistics Military Unit)
The Polish military continues to restructure and to modernize its equipment. The Polish Defense Ministry General Staff and the Land Forces staff have recently reorganized the latter into a NATO-compatible J/G-1 through J/G-6 structure. Budget constraints hamper such priority defense acquisitions as a multi-role fighter, improved communications systems, and an attack helicopter.
Poland continues to be a regional leader in support and participation in the NATO Partnership for Peace Program and has actively engaged most of its neighbors and other regional actors to build stable foundations for future European security arrangements. Poland continues its long record of strong support for United Nations peacekeeping operations; it maintaining a unit in Southern Lebanon (part of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, a battalion in NATO's Kosovo Force (KFOR), and providing and actually deploying the KFOR strategic reserve to Kosovo. Poland is a strong ally of the US in Europe, and it led the Multinational Division Central-South in Iraq in the 2000s.
Government Protection Bureau
[edit]The State Protection Service (Polish: Służba Ochrony Państwa, SOP) is Poland's equivalent of the Secret Service in the United States, providing antiterrorism and VIP security detail services for the government.[66]
Administrative divisions
[edit]Poland is divided in 16 provinces or Voivodeships (województwa, singular – województwo): Lower Silesia, Kuyavia-Pomerania, Łódzkie, Lubelskie, Lubuskie, Lesser Poland, Masovian, Opolskie, Subcarpathia, Podlaskie, Pomerania, Silesia, Świętokrzyskie, Warmia-Masuria, Greater Poland and West Pomerania.
Foreign relations
[edit]Poland wields considerable influence in Central and Eastern Europe and is a middle power in international affairs. The foreign policy of Poland is based on four basic commitments: to Atlantic co-operation, to European integration, to international development and to international law. Since the collapse of communism and its re-establishment as a democratic nation, Poland has extended its responsibilities and position in European and Western affairs, supporting and establishing friendly foreign relations with both the West and with numerous European countries.
Due to its tragic historical experience with aggression of powerful neighbors (e.g., Partitions of Poland, Second World War), Polish foreign policy pursues close cooperation with a strong partner, one apt enough to give strong military support in times of critical situations. This creates the background of Poland's tight relations with the United States.[neutrality is disputed]At the same time, the equally burdened attitude towards Russia results in very tense diplomatic relations, which have been constantly worsening since Vladimir Putin's rise to power. This is an important factor for the special attention Poland pays to the political emancipation of all its Eastern neighbors: Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine.[citation needed]
See also
[edit]- Poland
- Politics of Europe
- Visegrád Group
- Liberalism in Poland
- Polish government-in-exile
- Political parties in Poland
- Poland A and B
Notes
[edit]- ^ In today's Polish, komornik means bailiff
- ^ This included controversies about church matters, controversies that arose in church lands, and nobility, and later lands under their ownership, if they received special immunities from the monarch not to be under castellans' jurisdiction.[15]
- ^ The court system was complicated and depended on the type of case, whether it arose in towns or villages, crown properties, church lands or whether they concerned a noble, and there was even a separate court that was only operating during interregnum, organized in a confederation. For more details, see [29]
- ^ This rule, also known as liberum veto, proved a crippling obstacle in the functioning of the Sejm. Initially, the Sejm simply ignored the lone dissenters and declared unanimity. However, by the end of the 16th century, the Sejm members started rigorously defending the requirement of unanimity; and starting from the latter half of 17th century, Sejm sessions were routinely disrupted by those who declared lack of unanimity, causing general paralysis of the legislature. It didn't help that sejmiki insisted on strictly following increasingly detailed instructions, which added another risk factor for disruption in the legislature
- ^ The Privilege of Mielnik assigned all legislative powers to the Senate, but this was swiftly overridden by the Nihil novi act
- ^ The duality of these instutitions were supposed to reflect the federal character of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth - the Crown (Kingdom of Poland) and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This principle was stressed in the Third Statute of Lithuania (1588)[37]
- ^ Kukiz'15 previously ran under Polish Coalition as independents. The result does not include Paweł Kukiz who is not a party member, but got elected with 43,292 votes.
- ^ Confederation was registered as a party to circumvent the 8% electoral threshold for electoral coalitions. Five of its elected members are part of National Movement, one of New Hope and one of Confederation of the Polish Crown.
- ^ Previously part of the United Right.
- ^ Including the seats lost by Agreement.
References
[edit]- ^ Veser, Ernst [in German] (23 September 1997). "Semi-Presidentialism-Duverger's Concept — A New Political System Model" (PDF) (in English and Chinese). Department of Education, School of Education, University of Cologne: 39–60. Retrieved 21 August 2017.
Duhamel has developed the approach further: He stresses that the French construction does not correspond to either parliamentary or the presidential form of government, and then develops the distinction of 'système politique' and 'régime constitutionnel'. While the former comprises the exercise of power that results from the dominant institutional practice, the latter is the totality of the rules for the dominant institutional practice of the power. In this way, France appears as 'presidentialist system' endowed with a 'semi-presidential regime' (1983: 587). By this standard he recognizes Duverger's pléiade as semi-presidential regimes, as well as Poland, Romania, Bulgaria and Lithuania (1993: 87).
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ a b c Shugart, Matthew Søberg (September 2005). "Semi-Presidential Systems: Dual Executive and Mixed Authority Patterns" (PDF). Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 August 2008. Retrieved 21 August 2017.
- ^ a b c Shugart, Matthew Søberg (December 2005). "Semi-Presidential Systems: Dual Executive And Mixed Authority Patterns" (PDF). French Politics. 3 (3): 323–351. doi:10.1057/palgrave.fp.8200087. Retrieved 21 August 2017.
Even if the president has no discretion in the forming of cabinets or the right to dissolve parliament, his or her constitutional authority can be regarded as 'quite considerable' in Duverger's sense if cabinet legislation approved in parliament can be blocked by the people's elected agent. Such powers are especially relevant if an extraordinary majority is required to override a veto, as in Mongolia, Poland, and Senegal. In these cases, while the government is fully accountable to parliament, it cannot legislate without taking the potentially different policy preferences of the president into account.
- ^ a b McMenamin, Iain. "Semi-Presidentialism and Democratisation in Poland" (PDF). School of Law and Government, Dublin City University. Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 February 2012. Retrieved 11 December 2017.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ "Poland 1997 (rev. 2009)". www.constituteproject.org. Retrieved 9 October 2021.
- ^ "Poland - The World Factbook". 22 September 2021. Archived from the original on 8 October 2021. Retrieved 8 October 2021.
- ^ Bardach, Juliusz; Leśnodorski, Bogusław; Pietrzak, Michał (2009). Historia ustroju i prawa polskiego (Wyd. 6 ed.). Warszawa: LexisNexis Polska. pp. 38–40. ISBN 978-83-7620-192-4.
- ^ Kurnatowska, Zofia (2002). Derwich, Marek; Żurek, Adam (eds.). U źródeł Polski: do roku 1038 [At the origins of Poland (until 1038)] (in Polish). Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Dolnośląskie. pp. 147–148. ISBN 978-83-7311-518-7.
- ^ Pudłowska, Katarzyna, ed. (2020). Historia ustroju i prawa Polski w pigułce. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo C. H. Beck. pp. 18–26. ISBN 978-83-8198-031-9. OCLC 1241603469.
- ^ Bardach, Leśnodorski & Pietrzak 2009, p. 46-47.
- ^ a b Pudłowska 2020, p. 21.
- ^ "Sieciech". Polski Słownik Biograficzny (in Polish). Retrieved 2025-02-23.
- ^ Davies, Normam (2005). God's Playground: A History of Poland. Volume 1: The origins to 1795. New York: Columbia University Press. pp. 61–64. ISBN 0-231-12817-7.
- ^ Pudłowska 2020, p. 22, 24.
- ^ Pudłowska 2020, p. 25-26, 29-31.
- ^ Szczur, Stanisław (2006). Historia Polski: Średniowiecze (in Polish). Kraków: Wydawn. Literackie. pp. 215, 216, 423. ISBN 978-83-08-03272-5.
- ^ Davies 2005, p. 63.
- ^ Pudłowska 2020, p. 33-37.
- ^ a b Davies 2005, p. 230.
- ^ Bardach, Leśnodorski & Pietrzak 2009, p. 116.
- ^ Bardach, Leśnodorski & Pietrzak, p. 56-59.
- ^ Kamen, Henry (2021). Early Modern European Society (3rd ed.). New Haven and London: Yale University Press. p. 107. ISBN 978-0-415-15865-7.
- ^ Davies, Ivor Norman Richard; Dawson, Andrew Hutchinson; Jasiewicz, Krzysztof [in Polish]; Kondracki, Jerzy Aleksander [in Polish]; Wandycz, Piotr Stefan (2 June 2017). "Poland". Encyclopædia Britannica. p. 15. Retrieved 24 April 2021.
Ranging from the poorest landless yeomen to the great magnates, the szlachta insisted on the equality of all its members. As a political nation it was more numerous (8–10 percent) than the electorate of most European states even in the early 19th century.
- ^ a b Uruszczak, Wacław (2008). "Species privilegium sunt due, unum generale, aliud speciale. Przywileje w dawnej Polsce". Studia z Dziejów Państwa i Prawa (in Polish). XI (1): 19–38. ISSN 1733-0335.
- ^ "Przywileje szlacheckie" (PDF). President of Poland. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2016-03-04.
- ^ Wojciech Kriegseisen (1991). Sejmiki Rzeczypospolitej szlacheckiej w XVII i XVIII wieku. Wydawn. Sejmowe. pp. 17–19. ISBN 978-83-7059-009-3. Retrieved 24 February 2012.
- ^ Jacek Jędruch (1998). Constitutions, elections, and legislatures of Poland, 1493–1977: a guide to their history. EJJ Books. pp. 173–174. ISBN 978-0-7818-0637-4. Retrieved 13 August 2011.
- ^ Sławomir Leśniewski (January 2008). Jan Zamoyski – hetman i polityk (in Polish). Bellona. p. 27.
- ^ Bardach, Leśnodorski & Pietrzak 2009, p. 263-269.
- ^ Jędruch 1998, p. 43-45.
- ^ Kochanowski, Jerzy; Nowicka, Andrea; Stachera, Mikołaj (2022). Senat wczoraj i dziś. Sinusoida o wykresie nieregularnym (PDF) (in Polish). Warsaw: Chancellery of the Senate of Poland. pp. 18, 22, 25, 30. ISBN 9788365711649.
- ^ Bardach, Leśnodorski & Pietrzak 2009, p. 241-250.
- ^ Markiewicz 2009, p. 37.
- ^ Markiewicz, Marian (2009). Historia Polski 1492-1795 (in Polish) (2 ed.). Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie. pp. 35–50. ISBN 9788308041291.
- ^ Markiewicz 2009, p. 55-56.
- ^ Góralski, Zbigniew (1988). Urzędy i godności w dawnej Polsce (in Polish) (2 ed.). Warsaw: Ludowa Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza. pp. passim.
- ^ Andriulis, Vytautas. "Trečiasis Lietuvos Statutas". Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija (in Lithuanian). Archived from the original on 27 December 2023. Retrieved 27 December 2023.
- ^ Bardach, Leśnodorski & Pietrzak 2009, p. 251-253, 266.
- ^ Art. 10 sec. 2 of the Polish Constitution.
- ^ "Art. 175 sec. 1 of the Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 175 sec. 2 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 176 sec. 1 of the Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ a b "Art. 179 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 178 sec. 3 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 178 sec. 2 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 181 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 190 sec. 1 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 180 sec. 2 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 182 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ Garlicki, Leszek (2007). Polskie prawo konstytucyjne (11 ed.). Liber. p. 346. ISBN 978-83-7206-142-3.
- ^ "Art. 182 sec. 1 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 183 sec. 2 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ Garlicki, Leszek (2007). Polskie prawo konstytucyjne (11 ed.). Liber. p. 339. ISBN 978-83-272-3154-3.
- ^ a b c d e f Garlicki, Leszek (2007). Polskie prawo konstytucyjne (11 ed.). Liber. p. 333. ISBN 978-83-272-3154-3.
- ^ a b Garlicki, Leszek (2007). Polskie prawo konstytucyjne (11 ed.). Liber. p. 335. ISBN 978-83-272-3154-3.
- ^ Garlicki, Leszek (2007). Polskie prawo konstytucyjne (11 ed.). Liber. p. 336. ISBN 978-83-272-3154-3.
- ^ "Art. 184 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ Art. 185 of Constitution. "The Constitution of the Republic of Poland". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ "Art. 186 sec. 1 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 186 sec. 2 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 187 sec. 1 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 187 sec. 3 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ "Art. 187 sec. 2 of Constitution". Retrieved 9 April 2021.
- ^ Polish Armed Forces
- ^ "Wojsko Polskie rośnie w siłę. Liczy już ok. 164 tys. żołnierzy | pulshr.pl". www.pulshr.pl (in Polish). 30 December 2022. Retrieved 2023-04-05.
- ^ Biuro Ochrony Rządu Archived 2007-07-14 at the Wayback Machine retrieved 2007-07-25