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Bagaran (ancient city)

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Maranci, Christina (2018). The Art of Armenia: An Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0190269005. p. 23

Artaxata was a large and beautiful city, made wealthy from international trade. Archaeologists have unearthed thousands of coins and seals attesting to contact with the Roman and Parthian empires, Pontus, Seleucia, and Egypt. A plate made of lapis lazuli, an enamel spoon with an Aramaic inscription, and a stucco fragment with an Aramaic graffito have also been discovered.71 Artaxata was also known as a place of classical culture: coins minted there use the Greek language and visual traditions, a theater was built at the site, and, according to Plutarch, the plays of Euripides were performed in Greek at the royal palace. Artaxata, finally, was a cult center: according to the early medieval Armenian historian Movsēs Khorenats‘i, copper statues of Anahit were brought there from the city of Bagaran.72

p. 96

The church of T‘oros I both draws upon and departs from earlier Armenian traditions. While its barrel- vaulted nave is atypical of Armenian architectural traditions, its exterior niches and careful stone sheathing strongly evoke churches of earlier eras. Its foundation inscription also reveals important points of continuity with earlier Armenian epigraphic conventions. The wraparound format of the epigraphy was attested, for example, in the (now lost) seventh- century church of Bagaran (mod. Kılıttaşı, TR), where a cornice- level foundation inscription extended around all four façades, as at Anavarza.16 Foundation inscriptions in Greater Armenia also often refer to the ancestors and children of the patron. It may be that similar liturgical practices underlie these shared features: requiring the viewer to walk around the monument, recalling the family of the patron, the Cilician inscription suggests a ritual circumambulation of the church, perhaps on the anniversary of its consecration, just as scholars have argued for Armenian seventh-century foundations.17

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• Maranci, Christina (1998). Medieval Armenian Architecture in historiography: Josef Strygowski and His Legacy (PhD thesis). Princeton University. OCLC 40827094.

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БАГАРАН — древнее арм. поселение с остатками церкви 7 в.

БАГАВАН — древний арм. храм (631—639, зодчий Исраэл).

Планы церквей: 1 — в Багаране, 624—631 гг.;

Крестовокупольная композиция Эчмиадзина нашла непосредственное воплощение в монументальном храме Багарана (624—631 гг.). Его купол также покоится на свободно стоящих устоях, которые, однако, приближены к стенам, почему вынесенные за пределы основного квадрата здания экседры получились несколько меньшими, чем купол (рис. 19 и 20). Это обстоятельство, так же как и пониженность экседр и угловых частей, создало ясно воспринимаемое нарастание частей интерьера от периметра к подкупольному пространству. Такое нарастание, четко выявленное и во внешних объемах, наглядно подчеркивает крестовокупольную форму сооружения.

Иная композиция интерьера, имеющего в плане форму квадрата с полуциркульными апсидами по сторонам, осуществлена в церкви Иоанна в Мастаре (начало VII в.). В ней отсутствуют внутренние свободно стоящие опоры (см. рис. 19). Широкий двенадцатигранный купол (диаметр 11,2 м), основанный на конхах апсид и тромпах, перекрывающих углы основного помещения, венчает центр интерьера, выявляя этим господствующее значение подкупольного квадрата. Это ясно выражено и во внешнем облике сооружения (рис. 21). В аналогичной по композиции церкви в Артике (вторая половина VII в.) разность высот купола и экседр была более значительна, что придавало сооружению большую стройность.

В церквах типа Багаран — Мастара внимание зодчих было обращено на компоновку внутреннего пространства и его четкую согласованность с внешними объёмами. В силу этого сооружения приобретали большую живописность, которую еще усиливала игра света и тени, почему декоративное убранство применялось лишь в немногих местах — на окнах, дверях, венчающих карнизах.

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• Thierry, Jean-Michel; Donabédian, Patrick (1989) [1987]. Armenian Art. Translated by Celestine Dars. New York: Harry N. Abrams. ISBN 0-8109-0625-2.

https://archive.org/details/thierry-1989-armenian-art/page/66/mode/2up?view=theater&q=bagaran

St Theodore https://archive.org/details/thierry-1989-armenian-art/page/164/mode/2up?view=theater&q=bagaran

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• Hewsen, Robert H. (2001). Armenia: A Historical Atlas. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-33228-4.

112 ARMENIA IN THE LATER BAGRATID PERIOD, 962-1064 Cihe Bagratuni dynasty chose Bagaran as its first capital (884-928) but finally settled at Ani (928-1045), the site of a fortress and probably also of a small town since ancient times.

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Another building intended as a residence or palace chapel is the well-known one at Germigny-des-Prés built by Bishop Theodulph of Orléans around 800 (plate 48). Again the plan is centralized, but the architectural type is different from those mentioned heretofore. Despite the fact that its ground plan is related to that of San Satiro in Milan, its interior organization is quite diverse. In Benevento and Milan the central lanterns we see today are of more recent origin and their initial design is not certain, but at Germigny-des-Prés there is a characteristic Carolingian square crossing tower. A square and a cruciform ground plan are combined as they are in Milan, but with piers rather than columns. In particular, the crossarms are very high here and separated by a trellis of arcades that recalls the chapel at Aachen, though there are no upper galleries. The building has been grossly over-restored, but still corresponds to the original in its principal features.
Here, then, we have the various forms the central-plan conception assumed in certain important works still surviving from the Carolingian era: the octagon with niches; the octagon with ambulatory; and the square with four vertical supports. Along with these, but surviving only in later constructions, are the simple cruciform round building, the Greek cross, and the quatrefoil. It can hardly be expected that all these designs were invented wholly without older models to go by. As the prototype for the palace chapel at Germigny-des-Prés, the Armenian cathedral of Bagaran has been proposed. While the origins of the design at Aachen are disputed, San Vitale (built in the Byzantine exarchate of Ravenna in the fifth century) has long been the most frequently proposed model, and this is still the most convincing explanation. Be that as it may, the Aachen chapel decisively transforms its model into a quite different conception: it has a steep, shaftlike interior instead of the almost rotund form of San Vitale; its octagonal walls are narrow and shallow instead of being gently hollowed out; and it has a clear axial orientation. Similar distinctions can be demonstrated in all its features and details.

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The Bagaran Type of Structure......

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File:Armenian Catholicossate of Cilicia - Genocide Memorial chapel.jpg b. Memorial chapel to the Armenian Genocide at the Catholicosate in Antelias (architect Martiros Altunian, built in 1938). This is the first church built as commemoration monument dedicated to the 1915 Armenian Massacre. The memorial is a small cruciform type chapel built in the courtyard on the North-West of St. Gregory the Illuminator Cathedral. The Chapel was built when the relics of oneand-a-half million victims were brought from the desert of Der Zor to Antelias. The composition is a splendid structure having6 x 6.5 x 9m dimensions. Apparent are the typological abilities of the architect. However, the church is a mastering synthesis of the Bagaran type church, the Great-Gavit of Haghbat Monastery and the Cappella Della Pieta of Milano. The memorial and the sanctuary are in high creativeunity andmonumentality. The style is traditionalism in behalf of medieval revival of Armenian Architecture. https://tert.nla.am/archive/NLA%20AMSAGIR/Banber%20Hayagitutyan/2015(3).pdf

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The building of Echmiadzin Cathedral was therefore a significant step as an experiment in quake-resistant building. Its square plan may have been only a return to the tradition of the Urartian temple, but the reinforcement provided by the four apses - the quatrofoil - at the weakest points of the four walls of the square was the truly significant innovation. Later developments in the quatrofoil plan through the Bagaran and Mastara churches, culminating with the Cathedral of Kars (Diag. 33), emphasize the advantages of a folded-wall structure as a means of countering lateral earthquake thrust.
Mention has already been made of this cathedral in connection with the development of quatrofoil plans, which through the interplay of the square shape and four apses, produced a folded-wall structure (Diag. 34). The folded-wall appearance is evident from the inside as well as the outside, contrary to the duality of curvilinear vs. plain surfaces of other Armenian churches. Built during the reign of King Appas from 928 to 953, the Cathedral of Kars continues the evolution from Echmiazin through Mastara - with which it shared the daring dimensions of the crowning dome - and Bagaran.

• Polygonal plan for a domed building  = 626; Bagaran 

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https://archive.org/details/1978_20250503

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Another variant of the quatrefoil, what Strzygowski called the niche-buttressed square, has four apses protruding from the middle of each side of a square, the thrust of the central dome being absorbed by these salient niches. All such churches have a pair of chambers added to the sanctuary, but one kind has the dome resting on four free standing pillars with pendentatives which form a circular drum as the transitional element (Etchmiadzin and Bagaran), while the other kind features a dome which covers the entire central square and rests on an octagonal drum formed by the walls and four corner niches (Mastara, Artik, Voskepar).

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• Donabédian, Patrick (2023). "Culmination of a late antique legacy? The Golden age of Armenian architecture in the seventh century". CONVIVIUM Supplementum. Brepols: 24–41. ISSN 2336-3452. (archived PDF)

The fifth church of the “transition period” was St John of Bagaran (624–631), which already had a “foot” in the new period35 (fig. 8a-b). We must recall here Josef Strzygowski’s hypothesis concerning the influence of the Ējmiatsin-Bagaran typology on the development of Christian architecture, both in Byzantium and in the West, starting with the Carolingian period36 .

The largest churches of the seventh century were built on this plan, mainly in the 630s: Bagavan (631–639)50, St. Gayanē of Vagharshapat (630– 641), Mren (630–640)51 and perhaps Ōdzun (630s with restoration in the eighth century)52. T

The tetraconch tetrapod square is the plan of the Cathedral of Ējmiatsin (probably late fifth century) and represents the ideal composition of a Christian sanctuary, linked to one of the most sacred spaces of Armenia. It is reproduced, until the nineteenth century, only once, in St. John of Bagaran (fig. 8a-b), erected in 624–631, today destroyed61 .

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At Bagaran, dated, though insecurely, 621-8 or 624- 31, the corner bays are shrunk to the size of tiny squares, while apses project from the cross arms and transform the structure into a quatrefoil.

The cross-in-square plan itself of the Gayané church and of the cathedral at Bagaran, at first glance anyway, recalls the audience hall of Al- Mundir at R’safah, of c. 560. Free-standing cross chapels such as Ashtarak in Armenia were common in Cappadocia. To some extent, then, Armenian centrally-planned churches of the seventh century — like their longitudinal predecessors — are embedded in a tradition of church building basic to the inlands of the Near East for two and three hundred years.

Thirdly, comparison between such buildings as the cross-in-square of Bagaran and of Sassanian Fire Temples, or, for that matter, between these and the audience hall of Al-Mundir, is tempting on paper, but they are quite different in the design of radiating cross arms in the case of the audience hall and of Bagaran, and of enclosing corridors in the instance of the Fire Temples. Lastly, it is unthinkable that Roman and Sassanian architecture should not have influenced each other; or that Armenian centrally- planned churches, when they first appear in the seventh century in highly complex forms, should not have also experienced the impact of the great Byzan- tine central-plan articulation of the time of Justinian and after.

• Krautheimer, Richard (1986) [1965]. "The Borderlands: Armenia and Georgia". Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture (Fourth ed.). Penguin Books. pp. 321–330.

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https://hy.wikisource.org/wiki/%D4%B7%D5%BB:%D4%BCetter,_Toros_Toramanyan.djvu/566

ԲԱԳԱՐԱՆԻ ս. ԹԵՈԴՈՐՈՍ ԿԱԹՈՂԻԿԵ ԵԿԵՂԵՑԻ — Խաչաձև, կենտրոնագմբեթ: Կառուցել է Բուդ Առավիղյան իշխանը 624 — 631 թվականներին։ Թորամանյանի չափագրած հատակագիծը և կտրվածքը տե՛ս Strzygowski նշվ. աշխ. հատ. 1, էջ 95 —96։
ԲԱԳԱՐԱՆԻ ս. ԱՍՏՎԱԾԱԾԻՆ ԵԿԵՂԵՑԻ — Կառուցել է Սմբատ Մագիստրոսը 1009 կամ 1010 թվականին։

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Stepan Mnatsakanian: p. 585 / Մինչև այժմ հիշատակվող բոլոր հուշարձաններում գմբեթները հենված էին կամ ուղղակի արտաքին պատերին կամ դրանց հետ օրգանական միասնություն կազմող որմնամույթերի վրա: Հայկական վաղ միջնադարյան ճարտարապե- տության մեջ առանձին մույթերով կենտրոնագմբեթ հորինվածքը (արդեն Հայտնի դարի վերջում, էջմիածնի տաճարում) քիշ թե շատ նշանակալից զարգացում չունեցավ և այդ սկզբունքով կառուցված շենքերից հայտնի է միայն Բագարանի տաճարը ( 624-631 ), որի հատակագծալին հորինվածքում խիստ ակնհայտ է նշանավոր, հնավանդ կառույցին ընդօրինակելու ձգտումը: Սա- կայն սկզբունքորեն այլ ձևով է լուծված կառույցի տարածական հորինվածքը: Այստեղ հիմնականը, որոշիչը ներքին խաշաձև մասն է, որը վեր խո-անալով հենախորշերով և անկյունային ուղղանկյան հատվածներով կազմված մասի նկատմամբ, ներկայացնում է տաճարի երկրորդ հարկաբաժինը: Ամբողջ կա- ռուցվածքը պսակել է ութանիստ գմբեթը, որը և կազմել է կառուցվածքի եր- րորդ հարկաբաժինը: Ծավալային հռաստիճան մշակման ահա այս գաղափարն էր, որ մեկ տասնամյակ հետո իր փայլուն դրսևորումը գտավ Զվարթնոցում, ճարտարապետական մի այլ, շատ ավելի համարձակ մտահղացման իրակա- նացմամբ58,

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Քրիստոնյա Հայաստան Հանրագիտարան. Murad Hasratyan https://hy.wikisource.org/wiki/%D4%B7%D5%BB:%D5%94%D6%80%D5%AB%D5%BD%D5%BF%D5%B8%D5%B6%D5%B5%D5%A1_%D5%80%D5%A1%D5%B5%D5%A1%D5%BD%D5%BF%D5%A1%D5%B6_%D5%80%D5%A1%D5%B6%D6%80%D5%A1%D5%A3%D5%AB%D5%BF%D5%A1%D6%80%D5%A1%D5%B6_(Christian_Armenia_Encyclopedia).pdf/167

masterpiece

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Soviet Armenian Encyclopedia. Manucharyan, Xalpaxchyan https://hy.wikisource.org/wiki/%D4%B7%D5%BB:%D5%80%D5%A1%D5%B5%D5%AF%D5%A1%D5%AF%D5%A1%D5%B6_%D5%8D%D5%B8%D5%BE%D5%A5%D5%BF%D5%A1%D5%AF%D5%A1%D5%B6_%D5%80%D5%A1%D5%B6%D6%80%D5%A1%D5%A3%D5%AB%D5%BF%D5%A1%D6%80%D5%A1%D5%B6_(Soviet_Armenian_Encyclopedia)_2.djvu/197

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Robert H. Hewsen https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/bagaran-turk/

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Բագարանի Ս. Թեոդորոս եկեղեցին (624–631 թթ.) իր հորինվածքով հարում է Էջմիածնի Մայր տաճարի քառախորան, քառամույթ գմբեթավոր տիպին: Էջմիածին-Բագարան եկեղեցական շենքի տիպը Բյուզանդիայի միջոցով Հայաստանից անցավ Արևմտյան Եվրոպա և IX– XII դդ. կիրառվեց Ֆրանսիայում, Իտալիայում, Հունաստանում: Բագարանի եկեղեցին պայթեցվեց 1960-ական թվականներին: https://arar.sci.am/dlibra/publication/193900/edition/176207/content https://web.archive.org/web/20250505205855/https://arar.sci.am/dlibra/publication/193900/edition/176207/content

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• Strzygowski, Josef (1918). Die Baukunst der Armenier und Europa [The Architecture of the Armenians and of Europe] Volume I (in German). Vienna: Kunstverlag Anton Schroll & Co. pp. 92–94.

https://archive.org/details/diebaukunstderar01strz/page/28/mode/1up?view=theater&q=bagaran

https://archive.org/details/diebaukunstderar02strz/page/474/mode/2up?view=theater&q=bagaran

Greenwood

• Greenwood, Timothy (2004). "A Corpus of Early Medieval Armenian Inscriptions". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 58: 27–91. doi:10.2307/3591380. ISSN 0070-7546. JSTOR 3591380.

• Hovsepian, Garegin (1913). Գրչութեան արուեստը հին հայոց մէջ: Քարտէզ հայ հնագրութեան [The Art of Writing Among the Armenians: A Map of Armenian Palaeography] (PDF) (in Armenian). Vagharshapat: Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin. p. 6, plate 2. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 August 2022.

https://www.academia.edu/download/99197102/e_sasanika5_Greenwood.pdf

The second inscription at the church of Bagaran has also been destroyed. It encircled the exterior of the whole building, being carved as a single line of text onto the topmost row of prepared masonry blocks located immediately below the level of the roof. Towards the end of the inscription, it seems that the carver reverted to two lines of text, probably due to lack of space. Again this suggests that the inscription comprises two parts, the second of which necessitated the switch to two lines. For the purposes of this study, the significance of this inscription lies in its dating formula, for it employs the regnal years of Xusrō II. The church was founded in ‘the thirty-fourth year of King Khosrov’ and its founder, lord But Aruełean, was murdered in his thirty-eighth year.84 Sasanian regnal years were used consistently to locate events in time throughout the three principal Armenian texts discussed above.85 There is even a solitary extant colophon preserved in a thirteenth-century miscellany inviting the reader to remember Eznak who translated this book, in ‘the twenty-ninth year of Khosrov king of kings, son of Ormizd’.86 Sasanian regnal years were employed throughout the ecclesiastical correspondence preserved in the Girk‘ T‘łt‘ots‘ or Book of Letters. For example, a profession of faith obtained by Smbat Bagratuni from a gathering of bishops was made ‘in the seventeenth year of Khosrov Apruēz, king of kings, in the month of Mareri,’ i.e. between 25 March and 23 April 606 CE.87 On occasion however it seems that the dating formula could be even more sophisticated. One mid-sixth century letter records the construction of a church by Nestorians in Dvin itself: ‘In the seventeenth year of Khosrov king of kings (548 CE), during the marzpanate of Nihorakan, they constructed a building in the name of Manačir Ražik.’88 This synchronism, correlating a Sasanian regnal year with a provincial governor, imparts a local provincial character to the dating formula. Likewise, when the church of Bagaran was completed, probably on 8 October 629, when the Sasanian world was engulfed by political flux, it is telling that the foundation inscription also elects to use the marzpan of Armenia, in this case Varaztirots‘ Bagratuni, son of Smbat Bagratuni, as the principal chronological marker. This combination, of Sasanian regnal year and provincial official, supports two separate contentions, advanced previously, that lists of Sasanian kings and their reigns and lists of provincial governors were maintained and used to orientate and calculate time. By implication, Armenian writers were conscious that they lived in Sasanian time; there is no hint of the local Armenian era developing before the middle of the seventh century and the final demise of the Sasanian dynasty.

Bagaran

In the thirty-fourth year of king Xosrov, the blessed Lord But Aruełean set out the foundations of this holy church. In the thirty-eighth year Gobt‘i and Xumat‘ killed But and three years after the death of But, Annay the wife of But completed this holy church in the month Trē, on day 20 [---] in the office of martspan (= marzpan) of Varaztirots‘ aspet of Armenia, in the lordship of Vahan Ariełean, in the (spiritual) oversight of [---] brother’s son Ewserk. May God remember and have mercy on the daughters of Grigor Vanandats‘i, the husband of Ašanuš Kamsarakan, Annay and the little children G[…]han, Hrahat and Tiarwand [and] Šušan, princess of Sahak sahasi

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Stephen H. Rapp Jr - The Sasanian World through Georgian Eyes: Caucasia and the Iranian Commonwealth in Late Antique Georgian Literature - 2014 - p. 39 https://books.google.am/books?id=T8VIBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA39&dq=Bagaran+church&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiB2vC4ioiNAxW_Z_EDHV1UOJA4WhDoAXoECAMQAw#v=snippet&q=Bagaran%20&f=false

Early Medieval Architecture as Bearer of Meaning - Gunter Bandmann - 2005 - p. 196

Despite the wealth of visual elements from San Vitale, the resemblances between the Palatine Chapel in Aachen and San Vitale go beyond that spe- cific relationship. If we recall the particular characteristics of the medieval concept of the "copy" (see pp. 49-51), then the deputizing meaning of the Palatine Chapel in Aachen becomes clear across a whole complex of ideas, for the way it depicts, represents, and embodies them. It also becomes clear why the church that Theodulf, Charlemagne's chancellor and bishop of Orléans, erected at Germigny-des-Prés ( 805-818 ), which has only its central-plan character in common with Aachen, was seen by his contemporaries as a basil- ica built in the manner of the one in Aachen (basilica instar eius quae Aquis est constituta) (Schlosser 1892:216, no. 682). Any investigation of the form of the church at Germigny-des-Prés would lead to geographically very differ- ent regions: to the cruciform cupola-churches in the Middle Byzantine style of Etchmiadzin and Bagaran in Armenia and to Visigothic churches in Spain and Toledo (Aubert 1941:22; Hubert 1938:75). In ground plan and decorative forms, for example, Germigny-des-Prés is more closely related to the Sas- sanid fire-shrine of Djerre than to Aachen (Erdmann 1943:42).

https://books.google.am/books?id=mUzMRLjJEe0C&pg=PA196&dq=Bagaran+church&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj1vq7tiYiNAxWOSfEDHQV-EK84RhDoAXoECAQQAw#v=onepage&q=Bagaran%20church&f=false

Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture: An Annotated Bibliography and Historiography - 1992 - W. Eugene Kleinbauer PAGE 221 910 KHATCHATRIAN, A[RMEN]. "Notes sur l'architecture de l'église de Germigny-des-Prés." Cahiers archéologiques 7 (1954): 161-69 , pls. LV-LVII.

Points out how Theodulf's Carolingian chapel both resembles Armenian churches, such as Etchmiadzin and Bagaran, and differs from them in salient

PAGE 322

the third chapter; freestanding sculptures can be demonstrated there. The fourth chapter (pp. 67-79) analyzes the church in terms of comparable monuments on Armenian soil (e.g., St. Gayane at Valaršapat and the churches at Bagaran and Mren).

Armenia, Cradle of Civilization - Page 215 - David Marshall Lang • 1980 … Bagaran , built between 624 and 631 ; the ground - plan of this monument resembles a Greek cross inscribed in a square.

The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Archaeology - Oxford University Press, 2019 - p. 469

The Early Medieval era forms a critical moment in the development of Armenian material culture, demonstrating awareness of neighboring traditions, but also forming part of local culture, expressing local political conditions, religious beliefs, and textual traditions. Yet more archaeological investigation must be undertaken. Large settlements in present- day eastern Turkey await excavation. For example, the ancient town of Bagaran (Kars region, modern eastern Turkey) still preserves fortification walls, gates, and many structures, including the foundations of a seventh-century church. The site of Mren, attested since the fifth century, is surrounded by a network of foundation walls extending several hundred meters. These sites and others have the potential to transform and enrich our knowledge of Armenia during the first centuries of Christianity.

https://books.google.am/books?id=uWR7DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA469&dq=Bagaran+church&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwitwvGmiYiNAxWiavEDHRkoAeE4PBDoAXoECAQQAw#v=onepage&q=Bagaran%20church&f=false

https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/28038

https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199369041.013.35

Urban planning and architecture of Caucasian Albania. Main monuments and trends of development https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.12657/63757/9783110794687.pdf?sequence=1#page=370

According to the iconography of forms and ornamentation, those were churches of the “classical” architecture of the second quarter of the 7th century as in Bagaran, Mren, Mastara, and Odzun; in terms of construction technique, the use of polychromy, a peculiar embodiment of classical architectural forms and a penchant for archaic motifs, it reminds of the monuments of the second half of the 7th century of Lori-Tashir in Kurtan, Vardablur, Sverdlov, etc.

The Cathedral in Old Dongola and Its Antecedents - By Przemysław M. Gartkiewicz · 1990 - Page 249

ends of transversal axis. Comparative investigations led to the observation, that characteristic Armenian solutions are the most probable source of those inspirations.27* Among those lay- outs constructed during the period from the 5th to the 7th centuries A. D., the two represented by the churches in Bagaran and Dvin seem to bear particularly close resemblance to the compo- sition of the plan in question.279 Though there is too little evidence to conclude that there was a direct borrowing from those concepts, it is, however, still less probable that a similar lay-out

https://www.google.am/books/edition/The_Cathedral_in_Old_Dongola_and_Its_Ant/YmvYAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=0

The Persian Revival: The Imperialism of the Copy in Iranian and Parsi Architecture - Talinn Grigor

"the development of architecture." This typology-oriented, comparative, and in situ methodology, promoting a new approach to artifacts by determining their parent forms, depended on this archetype, early examples of which he had documented during his 1889 trip to Armenia. The churches of Hripsimeh (618), Bagaran (631), Mastara (650), and Akhtamar (915-21) were among his outstanding examples of radiating, or central, buildings "inherited from the old Indogermanic stock." An inscription dating the construction of the Cathedral of Bagaran to the reign of the Sassanian king Khosrow Parviz (r. 590, 591-628) was Strzygowski's evidence of "Persian influence." Tracing the Bagaran type back to a corner hall in Sarvestan led to the conclusion that the domed structure "originating in Persia found its development in Armenia." Perfected by Sassanians in their royal and religious complexes, the "cupola on squinches over the square" was Strzygowski's key migrant architectural typology. The following quote, originally in German, from 1920 and paraphrased over the years in several of his publications, maps the geography of Strzygowski's domed-cube type and its material mutations:

I found that the squinch, a structure placed across the corner, built by the Iranian peasants of the present day in unburnt brick, and also found in ancient Persian palaces in concrete, stone, and burnt brick, has a certain relation to the similar corner structure in Kashmir, where, in small stone temples, we find an imitation of an earlier wood roof with beams laid across the corner.... A similar method of construction is followed to-day in wooden churches of the Ukraine, which show cupola-types in the same arrangement as at Périgueux, S. Mark's at Venice, the church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople, or the church of S. John at Ephesus... arranged in the form of a Greek cross. These dispositions are frequent in Iranian architecture of all periods. Can it be that they are a translation into stone of an older wooden prototype of the unburnt brick of Iran, finding its way thence to the Near East and Europe, especially in the form of the Armenian church on a square plan with the cupola on squinches?

Strzygowski, who was unique among his colleagues to give abundant agency to locals, argued that by 806 the type "appeared on Frankish soil in the Church of S. Germigny-des-Prés" through "Persian or Armenian architects connected with the immigrant Goths from the Black Sea Region." In Traces of Indo-Germanic Faith in the Fine Arts (1936), he illustrated three interior corners to demonstrate their lineage: the corner beneath a wooden dome of a Ukrainian church, the brick squinch of a caravanserai in Sabzevar, Khorasan, and the stone squinch of the St. John Church of Mastara. Strzygowski's logical conclusion was that such revered edifices as Milan's Saint Lorenzo, Ravenna's Saint Vitale, and Constantinople's Hagia Sophia were mere "expressions of Iranian art on European soil"—indeed a pill hard to swallow by his peers in Paris, Rome, and Vienna.
The elaborate four-pier plan in Armenia led him to the more unadorned brick Zoroastrian fire temples, that at Susa being the oldest example cited by Strzygowski, with the basic configuration of the chahar-taq (lit. four-arch): a dome on a cube open on four sides. Having perhaps visited Khorasan in 1913, Strzygowski could boast at best a partial repertoire of Iranian architecture. He concentrated on specific monuments that had been made available in the West by others, including the Dieulafoys, Herzfeld, and Sarre. A close look at his large body of scholarship reveals that while he made great use of his Armenian examples, where he had spent a significant amount of time and had live contacts, his Iranian and Indian cases were limited to a repeating few. We yet lack direct correspondence between Strzygowski and Iranian or Indian partners, unlike that with his Armenian connections.RetryClaude can make mistakes. Please double-check responses.

https://books.google.am/books?id=dsXKEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA61&dq=Bagaran+church&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiSmIi5hIiNAxXPAtsEHT7BMNMQ6AF6BAgFEAM#v=onepage&q=Bagaran%20church&f=false

Witnesses to a World Crisis: Historians and Histories of the Middle East in the Seventh Century - James Howard-Johnston

The dating system-by regnal years of Khusro II, Heraclius, or Constans II-is the same in the inscriptions as in the History of Khosrov, and there is a similar concern for chronological precision when the date in question is of special significance.3* There are also three specific pieces of information which can be backed by epigraphic evidence: (1) the construc- tion by the Catholicos Komitas (610/11-628) of a church dedicated to St 59 Hrip'sime is documented in two inscriptions; (2) Varaztirots' Bagratuni, who served as Persian governor (marzban) of Armenia from his appointment by Kavad in 628 to 632-3 when he fell foul of the neighbouring governors of Atropatene (Persian) and western Armenia (Roman), is duly mentioned in post at the time of the dedication of a new church at Bagaran (8 October 60 629);60 (3) the foundation by the Catholicos Nerses ( 640-62 ) of the round church of Zvartnots' is confirmed by a terse inscription saying so and a number of capitals decorated with his monogram.61

https://books.google.am/books?id=I_9QEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA97&dq=Bagaran+church&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj5nJTChoiNAxXESvEDHdViOcE4HhDoAXoECAMQAw#v=onepage&q=Bagaran%20church&f=false

A Guide to the Early Christian and Byzantine Antiquities in the Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities By British Museum. Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities and Ethnography, Ormonde Maddock Dalton · 1921 - p. 96

tnator tne oreek-Cross witnin its enclosing walls, earnest Armenian example of which the date is known is the ruined church at Bagaran erected in a.D. 624; and it is pointed out that the first building of the type recorded at Constantinople was the Nea or New Church built in the grounds of the Great Palare for the Emneror Rasil T (a.n. 867-86 )

https://www.google.am/books/edition/A_Guide_to_the_Early_Christian_and_Byzan/2yFGAAAAMAAJ?hl=en

A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Times to the Present - Volume 2 - By Phyllis Ackerman · 1964 - p. 557

development from a common root, the one following its course within the Hellenistic, the other within the Iranian tradition." The question has also been raised whether the Zoroastrian cult buildings were not the forebears of the Armenian churches which, instead of following the Syrian basilica style, have a central domed unit. It has even been claimed that the church of Bagaran, built about 630, represents a pure Iranian fire temple turned into a Christian house of

fr:Carol Heitz - La France pré-romane : archéologie et architecture religieuse du Haut Moyen Âge, du IVe siècle à l'an mille

...d'angle, de plan carré, sont coiffées de petites coupoles qui viennent, elles aussi, épauler la coupole centrale sur penden- tifs. Ce plan ramassé à quatre-feuilles rappelle le plan de certaines églises arméniennes: de la cathédrale d'Et- chmiadzine ou de l'église de Bagaran. L'architecte venait-il de ce pays lointain ou faut-il y voir la main et le génie d'Eudes. l'architecte de la chapelle palatine d'Aix, qui lors de ses voyages avait engrangé de multiples expériences étrangè- res ?

https://books.google.am/books?id=UAkBEQAAQBAJ&pg=PA151&dq=%22Bagaran%22+architecture&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&source=gb_mobile_search&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwioiKKAjYiNAxWncvEDHcWIOTA4HhDoAXoECAMQAw#v=onepage&q=%22Bagaran%22%20architecture&f=false

Sinclair

pdf page, not actual page 55 /// the Armenian temple at Bagaran (Pakran,iust west of the Arpa Çay not far from above the junction with the Aras,and so just inside the modern Turkish border) was evidently founded precisely in a location near to the capital Yervandashat.

227 (iii) + Pakran (med. "Bagaran"; new name "Kilittagr")

236 It had in great part taken the place of Bagaran as a royal fortress. Bagaran, on the other hand. was very likely put into the fief (consisting of Bagaran and Koghb) which may have been deliberately hived off to give to junior members of the family. Possibly Ani can be said to have taken over some of the functions of Bagaran, since in the reign of Smbat I treasure was also kept there.

RAA

ԵՂԵՌՆ` ԵՂԵՌՆԻՑ ՀԵՏՈ 2015 [1] [2]
ԵՂԵՌՆ` ԵՂԵՌՆԻՑ ՀԵՏՈ (2) 2016 [3] [4]
ԵՂԵՌՆ` ԵՂԵՌՆԻՑ ՀԵՏՈ [Armenian only] [5] [6]

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Եւրոպայում բագարանատիպ կառուցուածքների տարածման հարցի շուրջը [Concerning the Propagation of the Baccaran Architectural Style in Europe]

https://arar.sci.am/dlibra/publication/310174/edition/284810/content

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