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Expanded coverage of the 2024 Ethiopian presidential election, including sections on the electoral system, political context, candidate profile, and international responses; incorporated academic and official sources to enhance accuracy, neutrality, and comprehensiveness.
Electoral system
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Ethiopia became a parliamentary republic with a federal system under the Constitution adopted in 1994.[1] This foundational legal document established the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and introduced a multi-ethnic federal system designed to accommodate the country’s diverse nationalities and regional states. Within this framework, the office of the President was created as a non-executive head of state, intended to perform ceremonial and symbolic functions. Unlike presidential systems in which the head of state exercises executive authority, the Ethiopian model vests real political power in the Council of Ministers, which is led by the Prime Minister. The creation of a non-executive presidency was aimed at preserving the parliamentary character of the state while providing a unifying national figurehead to represent Ethiopia both domestically and internationally.
The President's constitutional responsibilities include formally signing legislation passed by the House of Peoples’ Representatives, appointing ambassadors upon the recommendation of the Prime Minister, receiving credentials from foreign envoys, granting national honors and awards, and representing the state at official functions and international forums. Although these duties are largely symbolic in nature, they serve important institutional purposes. The office plays a role in reinforcing the legitimacy of Ethiopia’s constitutional order and promoting continuity across successive governments. In a federal republic characterized by significant ethnic and regional diversity, the President is also seen as a symbol of national cohesion and unity. The presence of a ceremonial head of state contributes to the stability of the political system by providing non-partisan representation during transitions of executive authority and in the conduct of The President of Ethiopia holds a largely ceremonial and symbolic role within the federal parliamentary system established by the 1995 Constitution. The President does not exercise executive authority and does not engage in the formulation or implementation of day-to-day government policy. Executive powers are vested in the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers, who are responsible for the administration of government affairs. The Prime Minister is the head of government and is typically the leader of the majority party in the House of Peoples’ Representatives. Although the President formally appoints the Prime Minister, this function is procedural, reflecting the parliamentary majority rather than executive discretion. This institutional arrangement is intended to facilitate a clear separation between ceremonial functions and executive responsibilities, while enabling parliamentary mechanisms to provide oversight of the government’s activities.
The President is elected through an indirect process outlined in the Constitution. The House of Peoples’ Representatives nominates a single candidate, who is then subject to approval in a joint session of both the House of Peoples’ Representatives and the House of the Federation. To be elected, the candidate must obtain a two-thirds majority of the votes cast by the combined membership of the two chambers. The term of office for the President is six years, with the possibility of one re-election, thereby limiting any individual to a maximum of two consecutive terms. These constitutional provisions are designed to promote democratic rotation of leadership, prevent the entrenchment of power, and preserve the balance between symbolic representation and executive governance. It follows the ideas of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.
Before assuming office, the President is required to take an oath before both houses of parliament, pledging to uphold the Constitution, preserve national unity, and serve the interests of the Ethiopian people. Despite limited formal powers, the President holds important responsibilities in reinforcing the rule of law, representing state continuity, and promoting peace and cooperation among Ethiopia's diverse communities. Given Ethiopia's status as one of the few African states with an explicitly ethnic federal structure, the presidency remains a key symbol of the country's effort to balance unity with regional autonomy.

Political backgroundFlag of Ethiopia
[edit]The Prosperity Party was formed in 2019 following the dissolution of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which had governed the country through a coalition of ethnically based parties. The new party sought to centralize political authority and promote national cohesion under a single, unified structure. Despite facing criticism for weakening regional representation, the Prosperity Party consolidated its dominance in federal politics.
In the 2021 parliamentary elections, the party won more than 80% of the seats in the House of Peoples’ Representatives. This commanding majority granted it substantial control over legislative affairs and key state functions, including the nomination and election of the President. Given Ethiopia’s parliamentary framework, where the President is elected by a joint session of parliament, the Prosperity Party’s dominance effectively ensured its ability to determine the outcome of the presidential selection process.[2]
The transition from the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a multi-ethnic coalition of regional parties, to the formation of the centralized Prosperity Party in 2019 was officially presented as a reform aimed at enhancing administrative efficiency and national unity. The consolidation was intended to reduce bureaucratic fragmentation and streamline governance across Ethiopia’s federal system. However, the restructuring was met with significant criticism from various political commentators and opposition groups, who argued that it led to a centralization of power at the federal level. Critics contended that the dissolution of the EPRDF’s coalition framework weakened the mechanisms for intra-ethnic consultation and diluted the political autonomy of regional states. Furthermore, the new party structure was seen as limiting the space for political pluralism, particularly as many opposition parties remained underrepresented in the federal parliament and continued to face institutional and legal constraints. Some analysts also noted that the reconfiguration of the ruling party contributed to the erosion of institutional checks and balances by enhancing the executive’s control over nominally independent institutions, including the judiciary and electoral bodies.
The 2024 Ethiopian presidential election was held in a context marked by significant political and security challenges. The broader environment was shaped by the aftermath of the conflict between the federal government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which began in November 2020 and led to widespread humanitarian and infrastructural damage. Although a peace agreement—the Pretoria Agreement—was signed in late 2022 to end hostilities, its implementation remained fragile and incomplete in the lead-up to the election. Security concerns persisted in various regions, particularly in the north, affecting political mobilization and electoral participation. The ongoing post-conflict reconstruction efforts, combined with unresolved political tensions between federal and regional authorities, contributed to a complex and sensitive backdrop against which the presidential election took place. The Pretoria Agreement, signed in November 2022, marked a formal cessation of hostilities and laid the groundwork for the gradual restoration of governance and public services in the Tigray region.[3]
Although the agreement mandated the TPLF's disarmament and the region's reintegration under federal administration, its implementation remained incomplete by the 2024 presidential election. Federal authorities had begun restoring services and asserting control in Tigray, but progress was uneven, and humanitarian conditions remained fragile in parts of the region. Observers noted that while the Pretoria Agreement had prevented renewed large-scale conflict, localized violence and governance gaps persisted. Furthermore, the political reintegration of local elites and the restoration of trust between the center and the region remained contentious and unresolved.
Simultaneously, other regions continued to experience unrest. In Oromia and Amhara, armed groups such as the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and Fano militias clashed with federal forces, prompting the government to declare states of emergency. These declarations, justified by the need to protect national unity and restore order, imposed restrictions on constitutional rights in affected areas. The broader security context contributed to political uncertainty, heightening the symbolic significance of a stable presidential transition.
According to the Ethiopian Constitution, the President is nominated by the House of People’s Representatives and elected by a two-thirds majority in a joint session with the House of the Federation. Because of the ruling party’s large majority, it controlled both the nomination and the election process.[4]
In September 2024, President Sahle-Work Zewde, Ethiopia's first female head of state, announced her resignation before the end of her six-year term. Having served since 2018, her presidency was characterised by a focus on diplomacy and gender equality [5] .although her role remained within the ceremonial limits defined by the Constitution. Her resignation set in motion the constitutional procedure for selecting a successor, overseen entirely by the federal parliament. Some analysts suggested that her early departure may have been influenced by internal party dynamics and shifting priorities within the ruling establishment. Despite the ceremonial nature of her position, Sahle-Work was regarded as a prominent figure on the international stage, and her resignation was widely noted in diplomatic circles.
Candidate
[edit]Taye Atske Selassie Amde | |
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Born | Taye Atske Selassie Amde 1956 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia |
Occupation | Diplomat |
Years active | 1980s–present |
Known for | Ethiopia’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations |
Notable work | Representation of Ethiopia at the UN Security Council; Chairmanship of the African Group at the UN |
The sole nominee for the presidency in 2024 was Taye Atske Selassie Amde, who had served as Ethiopia's Minister of Foreign Affairs before the election. Taye is a veteran diplomat with over three decades of experience in international relations. His career includes posts as Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador to Egypt, Director General for International Organizations at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Deputy Foreign Minister.His diplomatic background positioned him as a figure with extensive knowledge of multilateral diplomacy, development cooperation, and regional peace processes.
During the late 1990s, Taye Atske Selassie was involved in diplomatic negotiations related to the Ethiopia–Eritrea conflict. In the early 2000s, he played a key role in coordinating regional counterterrorism efforts across the Horn of Africa, working closely with multilateral security frameworks. His diplomatic career continued in various capacities until his appointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs in February 2023. In this role, he oversaw Ethiopia’s re-engagement with international institutions during the post-conflict period. He was notably involved in the implementation of provisions of the Pretoria Agreement, participated in discussions regarding Ethiopia’s accession to the BRICS group, and represented the country in high-level diplomatic forums concerning peacebuilding and reconstruction.
Taye’s nomination for the presidency was widely interpreted as a strategic decision by the ruling Prosperity Party to select a technocratic figure with extensive diplomatic experience, rather than a traditional party insider. His longstanding presence in foreign affairs and limited involvement in domestic partisan politics positioned him as a candidate associated with institutional professionalism and national unity. His participation in global platforms such as the African Union, United Nations General Assembly, and international donor conferences contributed to his reputation among both domestic political elites and international stakeholders. Observers noted that his perceived neutrality in internal political affairs allowed the government to present an image of administrative competence and stability.
Taye was formally nominated by the Prosperity Party bloc in the House of Peoples’ Representatives and was the sole candidate presented during the joint session of the House of Peoples’ Representatives and the House of the Federation held on 7 October 2024. In accordance with constitutional procedures, he was elected President by securing the required two-thirds majority of the combined vote. The absence of additional nominees and the lack of public campaigning reflected the non-competitive nature of the process. The election was widely viewed as procedural and attracted limited attention from domestic media, highlighting the ceremonial character and low-contest nature of presidential appointments under Ethiopia’s parliamentary system.
International Reactions
[edit]International and regional organizations responded to the 2024 Ethiopian presidential election in a range of ways. Most official comments focused on the constitutional process and the peaceful completion of the election, while some research groups highlighted limits in political competition and participation.
The African Union Peace and Security Council released a post-election statement confirming that the process followed legal procedures. It described the election as a sign of Ethiopia’s constitutional order functioning as expected. The statement also noted that the smooth transition of the presidency could help strengthen political stability, especially during the ongoing implementation of the Pretoria Agreement.
While most official organizations recognized the election as procedurally valid, some research institutions and governance monitoring groups expressed concerns about its inclusiveness. Although the 2024 Ethiopian presidential election followed the Constitution, some observers raised concerns about fairness and representation. The President is chosen by a joint session of the two houses of parliament, which are both controlled by the ruling party. As a result, the election had no real competition. Only one candidate was nominated, there was no open nomination process, and opposition parties did not participate.
The political situation before the election also affected how the candidate was chosen. Since the 2021 parliamentary elections, major opposition parties have held very few or no parliamentary seats. This meant the ruling party had complete control over the nomination and voting process. This limited political diversity and made it harder for the President to represent different societal groups.
The lack of public participation also raised questions. Because the election is indirect, citizens do not vote for the President. In a system with a weak opposition and an unbalanced parliament, some groups questioned how representative and transparent the election was. While the process followed legal steps, some saw it as more of a formal approval than a competitive election.
Some researchers have said that Ethiopia performs poorly in democratic governance. Although some progress was made before 2019, by 2023, the rule of law had dropped to 38%. The ability of parliament to check the government also fell sharply, going below 20% over the past decade and under 10% by 2023. Some reports concluded that the election lacked keNevertheless, many international actors welcomed Taye Atske Selassie’s election, citing his diplomatic experience as an asset for Ethiopia’s international engagement. His appointment was viewed positively in the context of ongoing peacebuilding and reconstruction efforts, particularly given his familiarity with regional diplomacy and multilateral institutions. While the presidency remains ceremonial, the symbolic importance of the office in maintaining national unity and Ethiopia’s international profile was widely acknowledged. His background also encouraged optimism that Ethiopia could pursue a more cooperative and pragmatic foreign policy agenda in the years ahead.y elements of fairness.[6]
Although the presidency in Ethiopia is constitutionally defined as a ceremonial office with limited executive authority, the election of Taye Atske Selassie was welcomed by a number of international stakeholders. His long-standing diplomatic career, which includes experience in regional security coordination and multilateral negotiations, was widely viewed as a strength in the context of Ethiopia’s evolving foreign policy landscape. Representatives from international organizations and foreign governments expressed cautious optimism that his appointment could contribute to greater stability in the country’s external engagements, particularly amid the challenges of post-conflict recovery and ongoing implementation of the Pretoria Agreement.
Taye’s familiarity with global institutions such as the African Union, the United Nations, and emerging multilateral platforms like BRICS positioned him as a figure capable of reinforcing Ethiopia’s international credibility.[7] His non-partisan profile and perceived technocratic orientation further enhanced his image as a unifying national figure at a time when Ethiopia continued to face internal political tensions and complex regional dynamics.[8] Analysts noted that while the President holds no direct role in formulating or executing foreign policy, the symbolic importance of the office—particularly in diplomatic representation and state continuity—remains significant.
In light of Ethiopia’s efforts to reestablish international partnerships and attract development assistance, Taye’s appointment was seen by some observers as indicative of the government’s intent to present a stable and professional image to the global community. His background in diplomacy was considered conducive to advancing a more cooperative, predictable, and pragmatic foreign policy agenda. Accordingly, his election was interpreted not only as a domestic political development but also as part of Ethiopia’s broader strategy to rebuild international trust and reinforce its role in regional and global affairs.
- ^ "Constitution of Ethiopia in English • Page 25 • ICT Policy Africa". ictpolicyafrica.org. Retrieved 2025-05-07.
- ^ Yimenu, Bizuneh (2024-02-09). "Continuities and changes in electoral authoritarianism: evidence from Ethiopia". Regional & Federal Studies. 35 (1): P22. doi:10.1080/13597566.2024.2315491. ISSN 1359-7566.
- ^ Gebresenbet, Fana; Tariku, Yonas (2023). "The Pretoria Agreement: mere cessation of hostilities or heralding a new era in Ethiopia?". Review of African Political Economy. 50 (175): P96. doi:10.1080/03056244.2023.2196714. ISSN 0305-6244.
- ^ "BTI 2024 Ethiopia Country Report". BTI 2024. Retrieved 2025-05-07.
- ^ "AD813: Ethiopians rate government highly on promotion of gender equality, though disparities persist". www.afrobarometer.org. p. P9. Retrieved 2025-05-07.
- ^ Gebrihet, Hafte Gebreselassie; Gebresilassie, Yibrah Hagos (2024-11-22). "Tracing the path to democratic governance in South Africa and Ethiopia: a comparative policy analysis". Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy. 19 (1): P4. doi:10.1108/tg-08-2024-0198. ISSN 1750-6166.
- ^ "Opening remarks by H.E. Taye Atske Selassie, President of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia at the 57th Economic Commission for Africa Conference of African Ministers of Finance, Planning and Economic Development | United Nations Economic Commission for Africa". www.uneca.org. Retrieved 2025-05-08.
- ^ PeaceRep (2023-09-19). "Two-Level Game or the Primacy of Domestic Politics? Ethiopia's Regional Foreign Policy after 2018". PeaceRep. p. P8. Retrieved 2025-05-08.