Saddam Hussein^[c] (28 April 1937 – 30 December 2006) was an Iraqi politician and revolutionary who served as the fifth president of Iraq from 1979 until his overthrow in 2003. He previously served as the vice president from 1968 to 1979 and also as the prime minister from 1979 to 1991 and later from 1994 to 2003. A leading member of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, he espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism, while the policies and political ideas he championed are collectively known as Saddamism.

Born near the city of Tikrit to a Sunni Arab family, Saddam joined the revolutionary Ba'ath Party in 1957. He played a key role in the 17 July Revolution that brought the Ba'athists to power and made him vice president under Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr. During his tenure as the vice president, Saddam nationalized the Iraq Petroleum Company, diversifying the economy, and introduced free healthcare and education. Saddam attempted to ease tensions among Iraq's religious and ethnic groups. He presided over the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War, crushing the Kurdish insurgency, and signed the Algiers Agreement with Iran in 1975, settling territorial disputes along the Iran–Iraq border. Following al-Bakr's resignation in 1979, Saddam formally took power. During his presidency, positions of power in the country were mostly filled with Sunni Arabs, a minority that made up only about a fifth of the Iraqi population.

Upon taking office as president in 1979, Saddam purged rivals within his party. In 1980, he ordered the invasion of Iran, purportedly to capture Iran's Arab-majority Khuzestan province, and end Iranian attempts to export its Islamic Revolution to the Arab world. In 1988, as the war with Iran ended in a stalemate, he ordered the Anfal campaign against Kurdish rebels who had sided with Iran. Later, he accused his former ally Kuwait of slant-drilling Iraq's oil reserves and subsequently invaded the country in 1990. This ultimately led to the Gulf War in 1991, which ended in Iraq's defeat by a United States-led coalition. In the war's aftermath, Saddam's forces suppressed the 1991 Iraqi uprisings launched by Kurds and Shias seeking regime change, as well as further uprisings in 1999. After reconsolidating his hold on power, Saddam pursued an Islamist agenda for Iraq through the Faith Campaign. In 2003, a US-led coalition invaded Iraq, falsely accusing him of developing weapons of mass destruction and of having ties with al-Qaeda. Coalition forces quickly toppled Saddam's regime and captured him. During his trial, Saddam was convicted by the Iraqi High Tribunal of crimes against humanity and sentenced to death by hanging. He was executed on 30 December 2006.

A highly polarizing and controversial figure, Saddam dominated Iraqi politics for 35 years and was the subject of a cult of personality. Many Arabs regard Saddam as a resolute leader who challenged Western imperialism, opposed the Israeli occupation of Palestine, and resisted foreign intervention in the region. Conversely, many Iraqis, particularly Shias and Kurds, perceive him negatively as a tyrant responsible for numerous acts of repression, mass killing and other injustices. Human Rights Watch estimated that Saddam's regime was responsible for the murder or disappearance of 250,000 to 290,000 Iraqis. Saddam's government has been described by several analysts as authoritarian and totalitarian, and by some as fascist, although the applicability of those labels has been contested.

Early life and education

Saddam Hussein Al-Majid Al-Tikriti was born on 28 April 1937, in al-Awja, a small village near Tikrit, to Hussein Abid Al-Majid and Subha Tulfah Al-Mussallat. They were both from the Al-Bejat clan of the Al-Bu Nasir tribe, which was descended from Sayyid Ahmed Nasiruddin bin Hussein, a descendant of Husayn ibn Ali.^[8]^[9] His father Hussein was from the Al-Majid branch of the Al-Bejat clan, his mother Subha was granddaughter of Mussallat bin Omar Al-Nasiri, a tribal leader of the Al-Bu Nasir tribe and an opponent of the Ottoman rule in Iraq.^[10] His Al-Bejat clan descended from Omar Bey bin Shabib Al-Nasiri who was appointed as a Bey by the ruling Ottomans over the region of Tikrit.^[8] The majority of the Al-Bu Nasir led a Bedouin life in Tikrit, Saddam's own father Hussein Al-Majid being a shepherd Bedouin.^[11]^[12] His Husaynid Bedouin Al-Bu Nasir originated in Yemen, eventually migrating to Syria where they settled in Aleppo and Harran, before later settling in Tikrit in Iraq under Ottoman rule.^[13]^[9]^[8]^[12]

Saddam's name means "the fighter who stands steadfast".^[14] His father died before his birth.^[14] This made Saddam's mother, Subha, so depressed that she unsuccessfully attempted to abort her pregnancy and commit suicide.^[14] She was saved by a neighboring Jewish family.^[15]^[16] Subha "would have nothing to do with him", and Saddam was eventually taken in by an uncle.^[17] His mother remarried, and Saddam gained three half-brothers through this marriage. His stepfather, Ibrahim al-Hassan, treated Saddam harshly after his return, and (according to a psychological profile created by the CIA) beat him regularly, sometimes to wake him up.^[18]^[19] At around the age of 10, Saddam fled the family and returned to live in Baghdad with his uncle Khairallah Talfah, who became a fatherly figure to Saddam.^[20] Talfah, the father of Saddam's future wife, was a devout Sunni Muslim and a veteran of the 1941 Anglo-Iraqi War between Iraqi nationalists and the United Kingdom, which remained a major colonial power in the region.^[21] Talfah was appointed the mayor of Baghdad during Saddam's time in power, until his notorious corruption compelled Saddam to force him out of office.^[20]

Later in his life, relatives from his native city became some of his closest advisors and supporters. Under the guidance of his uncle, he attended a nationalistic high school in Baghdad. After secondary school, Saddam studied at an Iraqi law school for three years, dropping out in 1957 at the age of 20 to join the revolutionary pan-Arab Ba'ath Party, of which his uncle was a supporter. During this time, Saddam apparently supported himself as a secondary school teacher.^[22] Ba'athist ideology originated in Syria and the Ba'ath Party had a large following in Syria at the time, but in 1955 there were fewer than 300 Ba'ath Party members in Iraq, and it is believed that Saddam's primary reason for joining the party as opposed to the more established Iraqi nationalist parties was his familial connection to Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr and other leading Ba'athists through his uncle.^[20]

Revolutionary sentiment was characteristic of the era in Iraq and throughout the Middle East. In Iraq, progressives and socialists assailed traditional political elites (colonial-era bureaucrats and landowners, wealthy merchants and tribal chiefs, and monarchists).^[23] Moreover, the pan-Arab nationalism of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt profoundly influenced young Ba'athists like Saddam. The rise of Nasser foreshadowed a wave of revolutions throughout the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s, with the collapse of the monarchies of Iraq, Egypt, Yemen and Libya. Nasser inspired nationalists throughout the Middle East by fighting the British and the French during the Suez Crisis of 1956, modernizing Egypt, and uniting the Arab world politically.^[24] Saddam's father-in-law, Khairallah Talfah, was reported to have served five years in prison for his role in fighting against Great Britain in the 1941 Iraqi coup d'état and Anglo-Iraqi War, and often mentored and told tales of his exploits to the young Saddam.^[19]^[25]

Pre-Political Career

Rise to power

The Ba'ath Party was originally represented in Qasim's cabinet; however, Qasim—reluctant to join Nasser's newly formed union between Egypt and Syria—sided with various groups within Iraq (notably the social democrats and the Iraqi Communist Party) that told him such an action would be dangerous. Instead, Qasim adopted a wataniyah policy of "Iraq First".^[26]^[27] To strengthen his own position within the government, Qasim also had an alliance with the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), which was opposed to the notion of pan-Arabism.^[28] His policies angered several pan-Arab organizations, including the Ba'ath Party, which later began plotting to assassinate Qasim at Al-Rashid Street on 7 October 1959 and take power. Saddam was recruited to the assassination conspiracy by its ring-leader, Abdul Karim al-Shaikhly, after one of the would-be assassins left.^[29] During the ambush, Saddam (who was only supposed to provide cover) began shooting prematurely, which disorganised the whole operation. Qasim's chauffeur was killed and Qasim was hit in the arm and shoulder. The assassins thought they had killed Qasim and quickly retreated to their headquarters, but Qasim survived.^[29] Saddam himself is not believed to have received any training outside of Iraq, as he was a late addition to the assassination team.^[30]

Richard Sale of United Press International (UPI), citing former United States diplomat and intelligence officials, Adel Darwish, and other experts, reported that the unsuccessful assassination attempt on Qasim was a collaboration between the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Egyptian intelligence.^[31] Pertinent contemporary records relating to CIA operations in Iraq have remained classified or heavily redacted, thus "allow[ing] for plausible deniability."^[32] It is generally accepted that Egypt, in some capacity, was involved in the assassination attempt, and that "[t]he United States was working with Nasser on some level."^[33]

At the time of the attack, the Ba'ath Party had fewer than 1,000 members;^[34] however, the failed assassination attempt led to widespread exposure for Saddam and the Ba'ath within Iraq, where both had previously languished in obscurity, and later became a crucial part of Saddam's public image during his tenure as president of Iraq.^[33]^[35] Kanan Makiya recounts:

The man and the myth merge in this episode. His biography—and Iraqi television, which stages the story ad nauseam—tells of his familiarity with guns from the age of ten; his fearlessness and loyalty to the party during the 1959 operation; his bravery in saving his comrades by commandeering a car at gunpoint; the bullet that was gouged out of his flesh under his direction in hiding; the iron discipline that led him to draw a gun on weaker comrades who would have dropped off a seriously wounded member of the hit team at a hospital; the calculating shrewdness that helped him save himself minutes before the police broke in leaving his wounded comrades behind; and finally the long trek of a wounded man from house to house, city to town, across the desert to refuge in Syria.^[36]

Michel Aflaq, the leader of the Ba'athist movement, organized the expulsion of leading Iraqi Ba'athist members, such as Fuad al-Rikabi, on the grounds that the party should not have initiated the attempt on Qasim's life. At the same time, Aflaq secured seats in the Iraqi Ba'ath leadership for his supporters, one of them being Saddam.^[37] The assassins, including Saddam, all eventually escaped to Cairo, Egypt "where they enjoyed Nasser's protection for the remainder of Qasim's tenure in power."^[38] Saddam initially escaped to Syria and then to Egypt itself in February 1960, and he continued to live there until 1963, graduating from high school in 1961 and unsuccessfully pursuing a law degree^[39] at Cairo Law School (1962–1963).^[40] It is possible that Saddam visited the U.S. embassy in Cairo during his exile,^[41] and some evidence suggests that he was "in frequent contact with US officials and intelligence agents."^[33] A former high-ranking U.S. official told historians Marion Farouk–Sluglett and Peter Sluglett that Iraqi Ba'athists, including Saddam, "had made contact with the American authorities in the late 1950s and early 1960s."^[42]

Army officers with ties to the Ba'ath Party overthrew and killed Qasim in the Ramadan Revolution coup of February 1963; long suspected to be supported by the CIA,^[43]^[44] however, pertinent contemporary documents relating to the CIA's operations in Iraq have remained classified by the U.S. government,^[45]^[46] although the Ba'athists are documented to have maintained supportive relationships with U.S. officials before, during, and after the coup.^[47]^[48] Ba'athist leaders were appointed to the cabinet and Abdul Salam Arif became president. Arif dismissed and arrested the Ba'athist leaders later that year in the November 1963 Iraqi coup d'état. Being exiled in Egypt at the time, Saddam played no role in the 1963 coup or the brutal anti-communist purge that followed; although he returned to Iraq after the coup, becoming a key organizer within the Ba'ath Party's civilian wing upon his return.^[49] Unlike during the Qasim years, Saddam remained in Iraq following Arif's anti-Ba'athist purge in November 1963, and became involved in planning to assassinate Arif. In marked contrast to Qasim, Saddam knew that he faced no death penalty from Arif's government and knowingly accepted the risk of being arrested rather than fleeing to Syria again. Saddam was arrested in October 1964 and served approximately two years in prison before escaping in 1966.^[50] In 1966, Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr appointed him Deputy Secretary of the Regional Command. Saddam, who would prove to be a skilled organizer, revitalized the party.^[51] He was elected to the Regional Command, as the story goes, with help from Michel Aflaq—the founder of Ba'athist thought.^[52] In September 1966, Saddam initiated an extraordinary challenge to Syrian domination of the Ba'ath Party in response to the Marxist takeover of the Syrian Ba'ath earlier that year, resulting in the Party's formalized split into two separate factions.^[53] Saddam then created a Ba'athist security service, which he alone controlled.^[54]

Presidency

Consolidation of power

The first sign of consolidation of power came, when Muhyi Abd al-Hussein Mashhadi, the secretary-general of the Baՙth Party, was replaced by someone closer to Saddam.^[55] Many officers during al-Bakr's time were removed.^[55] Few survived such as Adnan Khairallah and Sa'dun Hammadi.^[55] Saddam convened an assembly of Ba'ath party leaders on 22 July 1979.^[56] During the assembly, which he ordered videotaped,^[57] Saddam claimed to have found a fifth column within the ruling party and directed Muhyi Abdul-Hussein to read out a confession and the names of 68 alleged co-conspirators.^[56] These members were labelled "disloyal" and were removed from the room one by one and taken into custody.^[56] After the list was read, Saddam congratulated those still seated in the room for their past and future loyalty.^[56] The 68 people arrested at the meeting were subsequently tried together and found guilty of treason; 22 were sentenced to execution.^[56] Other high-ranking members of the party formed the firing squad.^[56]^[58]

A second round of purges took place in June 1982, when half of the sixteen RCC members who had survived the 1979 "countercoup" were removed from power.^[55]^[59] Large number of Shias were removed from the regime. Later the government invited back Shi'as to held posts within the government, to gain support. Under Saddam's administration, senior government, military, and security roles were predominantly filled by Arab Sunni Muslims, a minority that made up about a fifth of the population.^[60] While key security posts were often reserved for close relatives, he also appointed members of various religious and ethnic minorities to high-ranking positions and as representatives based on loyalty to his regime.^[61]^[62]^[63]

Paramilitary and police organizations

Iraq faced the prospect of régime change from two Shi'ite factions — Dawa and SCIRI which aspired to model Iraq on its neighbour Iran as a Shia theocracy.^[64] A separate threat to Iraq came from parts of the ethnic Kurdish population of northern Iraq which opposed being part of an Iraqi state and favored independence, an ongoing ideology which had preceded Ba'ath Party rule.^[64] To alleviate the threat of revolution, Saddam afforded certain benefits to potentially hostile population.^[65] Membership in the Ba'ath Party remained open to all Iraqi citizens regardless of background, and repressive measures were taken against its opponents.^[66]

"There is a feeling that at least three million Iraqis are watching the eleven million others."

—"A European diplomat", quoted in The New York Times, April 3, 1984.^[67]

The major instruments for accomplishing this control were the paramilitary and police organizations. Beginning in 1974, Taha Yassin Ramadan, a close associate of Saddam, commanded the Popular Army, which had responsibility for internal security. As the Ba'ath Party's paramilitary, the People's Army acted as a counterweight against any coup attempts by the regular armed forces. In addition to the People's Army, the Department of General Intelligence was the most notorious arm of the state-security system, feared for its use of torture and assassination. Barzan Ibrahim al-Tikriti, Saddam's younger half-brother, commanded Mukhabarat. Foreign observers believed that from 1982 this department operated both at home and abroad in its mission to seek out and eliminate Saddam's perceived opponents.^[66]^[68]

Saddam was notable for using terror against his own people. The Economist described Saddam as "one of the last of the 20th century's great dictators, but not the least in terms of egotism, or cruelty, or morbid will to power."^[69] Saddam's regime brought about the deaths of at least 250,000 Iraqis^[70] and committed war crimes in Iran, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International issued regular reports of widespread imprisonment and torture. Conversely, Saddam used Iraq's oil wealth to develop an extensive patronage system for the regime's supporters.^[71] Although Saddam is often described as a totalitarian leader, Joseph Sassoon notes that there are important differences between Saddam's repression and the totalitarianism practiced by Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin, particularly with regard to freedom of movement and freedom of religion.^[71]

Domestic policies

Economy

Saddam continued his political program, that began long before his accession to presidency. Although initially committed to centralized planning and nationalization—particularly in the oil sector—Saddam experimented with privatization, partial deregulation, and limited market liberalization in the late 1980s.^[72] The Iran–Iraq War devastated Iraq's economy, causing an estimated US$120 billion in damages and leaving the country with around $90 billion in debt, including approximately $40 billion owed to Saudi Arabia and Kuwait alone.^[73] Though the economy remained stable and functioning. Saddam started liberalization policies (Intifah), which led privatisation of businesses in Iraq. American companies invested in Iraq's manufacturing sector, with companies like General Motor planning to open factories in Iraq.

Following the Gulf War and the imposition of UN sanctions in the 1990s, the Iraqi economy had sharply declined, and the system increasingly shifted toward crony capitalism.^[72]^[73] U.S investments in Iraq were cancelled. Iraq continued to suffer economically. In 1996, Saddam accepted the Oil-for-Food Programme, which was introduced by U.S president Bill Clinton in 1993. Under this program, Iraq was allowed to sell oil, in exchange of receiving humanitarian goods, without expanding Iraq's military strength. Though Saddam managed to manipulate the program and managed to meet needs of him and his people. 400,000 ordinary citizens joined the Ba'ath Party to survive sanctions.

Infrastructure

Overall, Saddam's government invested heavily in infrastructure projects, such as roads, bridges, and public buildings.^[74] Saddam implemented a national infrastructure campaign that made progress in building roads, promoting mining, and developing other industries.^[75] Electricity was also brought to nearly every city in Iraq, and many outlying areas.^[75]

Saddam's government also underwent a large campaign to beautify Baghdad and rest of Iraq by erecting statues and monuments.^[76] Saddam appointed

Education and healthcare

Iraq created one of the most modernized public-health systems in the Middle East, earning Saddam an award from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).^[77]^[78] He established one hospital, specially for treatment of children with Cerebral palsy.^[79] The government also supported families of soldiers, granted free hospitalization to everyone, and gave subsidies to farmers.^[80]^[81]

The government invested in building schools, and literacy rates in Iraq increased significantly during his rule.^[82]^[83]^[84] Saddam established and controlled the "National Campaign for the Eradication of Illiteracy" and the campaign for "Compulsory Free Education in Iraq," and largely under his auspices, the government established universal free schooling up to the highest education levels and hundreds of thousands learned to read in the years following the initiation of the program.^[85]^[86]

Women's rights

Saddam promoting women's education and literacy

Saddam personally emphasized his full support for women's emancipation.^[87] Women were strongly encouraged to pursue education and join the workforce, and many rose to high-ranking positions in government, medicine, and academia.^[88]^[89] The Ba'ath Party is also known to have "popularized women's education" during their rule, leading Iraq to achieve one of the highest female literacy rates among Muslim-majority countries at the time.^[90] Saddam's government passed labor and employment laws that guaranteed equal pay, six months of fully paid maternity leave, and legal protections against sexual harassment.^[91] According to PeaceWomen, the rights of female workers in Ba'athist Iraq rivaled those of the United States during the same period.^[91]

In 1980, Saddam's government granted women full suffrage and the right to run for office.^[92] By the late 1970s and into the 1980s, women in Iraq held significant roles in society, accounting for 46% of all teachers, 29% of doctors, 46% of dentists and 70% of pharmacists.^[93] Women also constituted 40% of the civil service at one point in the 1980s.^[87] Legal reforms were enacted to grant equal rights in marriage, divorce, inheritance, and child custody, and Iraqi women could pass citizenship to their children even if married to non-Iraqis. Access to higher education was expanded, and women were given the same academic opportunities as men.^[94]

In 1971, Saddam proclaimed: Women make up one half of society. Our society will remain backward and in chains unless its women are liberated, enlightened and educated.^[95] Even after decline due sanctions, women were encouraged to participate in political activities and hold government positions. In 2001, Huda Salih Mahdi Ammash, was elected as a member of the parliament. She was also a part of Saddam's nuclar project under the leadership of nuclear scientist Jafar Dhia Jafar. Huda's victory in elections was lauded by Saddam.

Unlike other Arab or Muslim majority country, women in Iraq played an important role in the society.^[96] According to a report in 1985 by The New York Times: "Iraqi women, historically among the most emancipated in the Arab world, hold jobs in all the professions, dress as they please, vote and hold more than 10 percent of the seats in the National Assembly. At the University of Baghdad, 55 percent of the enrollment is female. Day care is provided by the state free of charge, and with the war, women have taken on more traditional men's jobs and now make up 25 percent of the entire work force."^[96]

Consolidation of power

Purges

Paramilitary and police organizaitions

Domestic policies

Economy

Saddam's economic program, which began during his vice presidency, continued after his accession to the presidency. However, the Iran–Iraq War had an impact on the economy. However, the economy was stable and functioning.

Women's right

Infrastructure

Architecture^[97]

Religion, sect and ethnicity (1st)

Saddam's position on Iraq's ethnic and religious diversity was pragmatic and contradictory. His ideology was deep rooted in Arab nationalism and the ruling elite was Arab Sunni Muslims, which created perceptions of sectarianism, religious and ethnic discrimination. However, Saddam officially promoted a secular position. Saddam ensured that all religious and ethnic groups had a representative in the government. This strategy was implenented by Saddam to maintain stability in Iraq.

Religious minorities such as Yazidis, Christians, Mandaeans, and Jews were given state protection by Saddam. Cardinal Fernando Filoni stated that under Saddam's regime, Christians were free to practice their faith in the majority-Muslim country. As a sign of respect, Mandaean Rishama Sattar Jabbar Hilow gave Saddam, the Mandaean Book of John's first copy translation into Arabic. He vowed to build temples for Mandaeans, with quoting, "Iraqis have religious freedom, whether they are Muslims, Christians or Sabaeans". Saddam was fond of Iraqi Jews.

He made generous amends to gain support from Iraq's diverse communities.

To gain

Religion, sect and ethnicity

Saddam's position on Iraq's ethnic and religious diversity was pragmatic and often contradictory.^[98] His ideology was deeply rooted in Arab nationalism. The ruling elite in Iraq was dominated by Arab Sunni Muslims, which shaped perceptions of sectarianism, religious and ethnic discrimination. However, Saddam officially promoted a secular position, and made generous amends, to gain support from Iraq's diverse communities. Saddam instructed the Ministry of Endowments (Awqaf) to ensure that all religious communities had a representative to maintain peace between religions. This was part of his broader strategy to manage the diverse religious landscape of Iraq, ensuring that all communities were accounted for and their needs were met.

Saddam kept control over anti-Christian violence in Iraq. Cardinal Fernando Filoni, who was Vatican's ambassador to Iraq, stated that under Saddam's regime, Christians were free to practice their faith in the majority-Muslim country. Yazidis, Mandaeans and Jews were given state protection.^[99] As a sign of respect, the Mandaean Book of John's first copy translation into Arabic was given to Saddam. He vowed to build temples for Mandaeans, with quoting, "Iraqis have religious freedom, whether they are Muslims, Christians or Sabaeans". Saddam lifted discriminatory laws and travel bans against Jews in Iraq. He provided assistance for preservation of Jewish sites across Iraq. Saddam formed a separte armed group for the protection Jews and its responsibility was given to his son Qusay Hussein.

However, Saddam's ethnic policies are debated. With events such as the Anfal Campaign, leading the critics to denounce Saddam, his position on Kurdish politics is debated. Saddam granted autonomy to Kurds to an extent, that allowed them to use Kurdish language in education, media and culture, recognizing the Kurdistan Democratic Party as a legal progressive party, and retaining an elected Kurdish representative to Baghdad. Kurds in Iraq had better treatment under Saddam compare to their counterparts in Iran, Turkey and Syria. Similarly, Iraqi Christians, ethnically Assyrians and Armenians, were subjected to imposition of Arab nationalism and Saddam's policies denied them ethnic rights as Assyrians.^[100] Though they often enjoyed broad religious rights and were able to preserve their culture, while avoiding sensitive political arena.^[101]^[102] Saddam gave recognition to Kawliya community and granted more rights to Afro–Iraqis.

Saddam sought to integrate Iraq's ethnic and religious groups in the society and appointed members of various religious and ethnic minorities to high-ranking positions based on loyalty, to portray himself as an impartial leader. The military had diverse elements, as it consisted of Kurds, Turkmen, Assyrians, and Jews. Two of Saddam's vice president — Taha Yassin Ramadan and Taha Muhie-eldin Marouf, were Kurds. Rifat Chadirji, Saddam's architectural consultant, was a Turkmen. Christians notably served as bureaucrats and administrators, and Armenians worked in Saddam's presidential palaces. Saddam's deputy and foreign minister Tariq Aziz, was a Chaldaean Christian and ethnic Assyrian. Shi'as formed majority in the army and Saddam's cabinet. Two of Saddam's foreign ministers—Sa'dun Hammadi and Muhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf and Jafar Dhia Jafar, known as the father of Iraq's nuclear program, were Shia. Abdul Razzaq Abdul Wahid, a the cultural advisor to Saddam, was a Mandaean. Jews also held positions as doctors and engineers in the government and military, such as Shaoul Sassoon, a chief engineer in the Ministry of Industry, who was rewarded by Saddam for his innovations.

Saddam sought to integrate Iraq's ethnic and religious groups in the society. He also appointed members of various religious and ethnic minorities to high-ranking positions based on loyalty, to portray himself as an impartial leader. Military conscription applied to every community. Kurds were given important ministerial and military positions, such as Taha Yassin Ramadan, the vice president. Saddam's architectural consultant Rifat Chadirji was Turkmen. His foreign minister and deputy Tariq Aziz, was a Chaldaean Christian and ethnic Assyrian. Christians notably served as bureaucrats and administrators, and Armenians worked in Saddam's presidential palaces.^[103] Shias formed majority in the military, foreign ministry, and oil industry. Two of Saddam's foreign ministers—Sa'dun Hammadi and Muhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf and Jafar Dhia Jafar, known as the father of Iraq's nuclear program, were Shia. Abdul Razzaq Abdul Wahid, a well known Mandaean poet, was Cultural advisor to Saddam. Jews also held positions as doctors and engineers in the government and military, such as Shaoul Sassoon, a chief engineer in the Ministry of Industry, who was rewarded by Saddam for his innovations.

Iran–Iraq War

The Iranian Pahlavi dynasty led by the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was overthrown in 1979, that installed an Islamic republic led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.^[104] Initially Saddam welcomed the new regime and called for establishing diplomatic relations and cooperation on various sectors with Iran. However, Khomeini urged Shias in Iraq to revolt against Saddam. Saddam feared that Khomeini's radical idea hostile to his secular rule was growing among Iraqi Shias. The revolution also shifted regional dynamics, posing threat to Sunni-led countries, specially monarchies, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates, which were allies of the United States.^[105] Khomeini attempted to export his ideologies to these countries, as well as in Shia-majority countries — Bahrain and Iraq.

Hostilities began with border clashes on the Shatt al-Arab waterway. Uprisings by conservative Shias led by Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr took place as a follow-up to the Iranian revolution. Before taking any action, Saddam wrote a letter to Al-Sadr to renounce his position. In reply, Al-Sadr refused to reverse his stance. Saddam responded by violent repression and execution of Al-Sadr and his sister Amina al-Sadr. Initially Saddam maintained that its not in his interest to have hostilities with Iran. Saddam declared war on Iran. On September 1980, Iraq invaded Iran and occupied the Khuzestan Province, which had sizeable Arab population. Saddam backed ethnic separatists in Iran and People's Mojahedin Organization led by Massoud Rajavi.

With financial backing of Sunni-led Arab states and technological support by western countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, Saddam became the defender of the Arab world against Shia fundamentalist Iran. The Soviet Union, initially neutral, later supported Iraq. However, Libya and Syria chose to support Iran. Israel provided India declared neutrality in the conflict. Then Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi wrote a letter to both Saddam and Iranian president Bani Sadr, urging both sides to reach a peaceful resolution.^[106] Austrian chancellor Bruno Kreisky presented a peace offer. It was endorsed by Saddam, but rejected by Khomeini.

Despite calling for compensations, Iran refused to any ceasefire negotiations. In 1982, Saddam offered a ceasefire, which was rejected by Khomeini.

Gulf War

Kuwait provided approximately $14 billion in financial support to Iraq during the Iran–Iraq War.^[107] After the war, Saddam prioritized reconstruction and debt repayment. However, Kuwait was selling oil at lower prices, while Iraq needed higher oil prices to fund its post-war recovery. Saddam appealed to Kuwait to forgive the debt and reduce its oil production, accusing it of deliberately lowering oil prices and harming Iraq’s recovery. Additionally, Iraq claimed that Kuwait was illegally extracting oil from the Rumaila oil field along their shared border. Saddam also raised these grievances with OPEC, demanding action against what he called Kuwait’s “economic warfare,” but felt ignored.

On 25 July 1990, Saddam summoned the U.S ambassador to Iraq — April Glaspie, to his presidential palace for meeting. Saddam criticized the U.S policy with regards to Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates. During the meeting, Glaspie stated that "we have no opinion on the Arab-Arab conflicts, like your border disagreement with Kuwait," which was interpreted as tacit approval for the invasion of Kuwait. The meeting concluded with Saddam saying that he would submit to last-ditch negotiations, but Iraq "would not accept death."

On 2 August 1990, Saddam invaded Kuwait, initially claiming assistance to "Kuwaiti revolutionaries", thus sparking an international crisis. Kuwait was declared as a republic and an Iraqi-backed Provisional Government was established led by Alaa Hussein Ali as the prime minister of Kuwait. Videos were r

On 25 July 1990, Saddam summoned U.S ambassador to Iraq, April Iraq, to his presidential palace for meeting. Saddam criticized the U.S policy with regards to Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates. During the meeting, Glaspie stated that "we have no opinion on the Arab-Arab conflicts, like your border disagreement with Kuwait," which was interpreted as tacit approval for the invasion of Kuwait.

As the tensions began to escalate, Saddam summoned U.S Ambassador to Iraq, April Glaspie, to his presidential palace for a meeting. Saddam crticized the U.S support for Israel and its policy towards Iraq.

Kuwait provided $14 billion of financial support to Saddam during his war with Iran.^[107] Saddam requested Kuwait to turn down its debt, but Kuwait refused.^[108]^[109] He later requested Kuwait to low down prices of its oil, as Iraq needed high-prices of oil to recover its debt, which again Kuwait refused.

1990s to 2003

Foreign affairs

Arab–Israeli conflict

Saddam was widely known for his pro-Palestinian and anti-Israeli stance. He supported several Palestinian militias, hosted its leaders in Baghdad and participated in support of Arabs in the Yom Kippur War. Saddam's rising influence in the Middle East was seen as a threat by Israel. Then Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin took Saddam's anti-ZIonist stance seriously and sabotaged Saddam's nuclear programe, by destroying Osirak nuclear reactor in 1981. Saddam planned to kidnap Begin and bring him to Baghdad. However, the plan was dropped after suggestion of a western leader.

During the Iran–Iraq War, Saddam reduced his anti-Israel stance, due to Israel's clandestine support to Iran. He adopted a more moderate position and approach towards the Arab–Israeli conflict and Israel–Palestine issues. At the 1982 Arab leage summit in Morocco, Saddam did not opposed the Arab Peace Initiative by Saudi Crown Prince Fahd. To visiting U.S congressmen in 1983, Stephen Solarz in Baghdad, Saddam said that a future state is needed for both Israel and Palestine. In 1984, Saddam voiced public support for peace negotiations among Israel and Palestine.

On 22 October 1988, Yasser Arafat visited Baghdad and met Saddam. Saddam recognized the Palestinian state declared by Arafat on 15 November 1988.^[110] He made a trip to Egypt in 1988, to discuss the Palestinian issues with Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak.^[110] Saddam backed resolutions taken by the Palestine National Council in Algiers.^[110] Saddam said: "We must back these resolutions with our maximum capability and in all spheres in order to serve the objectives of the Palestinian people who are struggling for their land and their independent state".^[110]

Saddam is highly revered as "hero" among the Palestinians.

Nuclear (!)

Saddam launched nuclear program for Iraq with French assistance. During his visit to Paris in 1975, Saddam toured French nuclear facilities and France built a nuclear reactor for France known as Osirak, that aimed to develop Iraq's civilian nuclear capabilities. Israel feared it could be used for weapons production and Mossad launched operations to interrupt the project. It was involved in bombing of warehouses owned by CMAM, a French company in La Seyne-sur-Mer that specialized in naval and nuclear components. Mossad agents reportedly targeted containers destined for Iraq. Although the damage was quickly repaired, it marked an Israeli campaign by Menachem Begin to prevent Iraq from acquiring nuclear weapons.

Yahya El Mashad, an Egyptian scientist and key-figure of the program, was murdered in Paris in 1980. His assassination is believed to be done by Mossad. During Iran–Iraq War, Saddam shifted his focus on chemical weapons. A Military Industrialization Commission was formed to oversee the production of chemical weapons. Saddam drew on the expertise of Egyptian and other foreign scientists, many of whom had previously worked on Egypt’s chemical programs during the Nasser era.^[111]

On 7 June 1981, Israel destroyed the Osirak nuclear reaction in an airstrike. The airstrike also killed several nuclear scientists. Saddam planned to kidnap Begin and bring him to Baghdad. However, the plan was dropped, after suggestion by a Western politician. King Khalid of Saudi Arabia pledged financial support to rebuild the nuclear reactor. Naji Salman Salih, the Jewish representative in Saddam's cabinet, said that the reactor was built for peaceful purposes.^[111]

Iraq intensified its pursuit of long-range artillery missile systems. Saddam's nuclear team collaborated with Canadian physicist and weapons engineer Gerald Bull. Under the name "Project Babylon",

Nuclear Ambitions

Saddam launched Iraq's nuclear program in the 1970s.^[111] France built a nuclear reactor for Iraq, known as Osirak (renamed as Tammuz 1), that aimed to develop Iraq's civilian nuclear capabilities.^[111] Though Israel and Western intelligence agencies feared it could be repurposed for weapons production.^[111] The Israeli intelligence agency Mossad launched covert operations to disrupt the project.^[111] One such operation involved the bombing of warehouses owned by CMAM, a French company in La Seyne-sur-Mer that specialized in naval and nuclear components.^[111] Fifteen Mossad agents using false identities reportedly carried out the mission, targeting containers destined for Iraq.^[111] Although the damage was quickly repaired, it marked the start of a campaign by then Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin to prevent Iraq from acquiring nuclear weapons.^[111] Egyptian nuclear scientist Dr. Yahya al-Mashad, who played a leading role in Iraq’s nuclear program, was murdered in Paris.^[111] His assassination is widely attributed to Mossad’s Kidon Unit, which specializes in targeted killings and sabotage.^[111] This marked the first confirmed assassination of a scientist involved in Iraq’s WMD efforts. ^[111]

Amid the Iran–Iraq War, Saddam shifted toward chemical weapons as a strategic deterrent.^[111] The Military Industrialization Commission was established to oversee the development and production.^[111] Iraq drew on the expertise of Egyptian and other foreign scientists, many of whom had previously worked on Egypt’s chemical programs during the Nasser era.^[111] On June 7, 1981, Israel launched Operation Opera, a preemptive airstrike that destroyed the Osirak reactor. Israel justified the attack on the grounds that Iraq was preparing to produce nuclear weapons.^[111] According to Israeli nuclear advisor Mickey Ron, the mission was executed entirely by the Mossad and Israeli Air Force.^[111] According to several reports, Saddam eventually planned to kidnapp Begin and bring him to Baghdad. However, the plan was dropped, after suggestion by a Western politician. King Khalid pledged financial support to help rebuild Iraq’s bombed nuclear infrastructure.^[111] Naji Salman Salih, the Jewish representative in Saddam's cabinet, said that the reactor was built for peaceful purposes.^[111]

Iraq intensified its pursuit of long-range artillery and missile systems, collaborating with Canadian physicist Dr. Gerald Bull, a renowned weapons engineer.^[111] Under Project Babylon, Bull designed a “supergun” capable of firing projectiles over 1,000 kilometers.^[111] He also helped Iraq develop modified Scud missiles and advanced artillery systems like the GHN-45.^[111] Bull was assassinated outside his apartment in Brussels.^[111] Investigative journalists, including Gordon Thomas, attribute the operation to Mossad, allegedly authorized by Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir.^[111] Disinformation later blamed Iraqi agents for the killing.^[111] Bull’s death led to the collapse of Project Babylon and marked a major setback in Iraq’s strategic weapons programs.^[111] Later Iraq attacked Israel with those 42 scud missiles during the Gulf War in 1991, that caused severe damage to its infrastructure.

Despite Israeli sabotage, Iraq continued to pursue nuclear capabilities under the leadership of Iraqi physicist Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar and Huda Salih Mahdi Ammash, achieving notable progress.^[111] Saddam hosted several arms exhibition in Iraq. Western powers, especially the United States, were aware of Iraq’s WMD ambitions but refrained from intervening directly, as they sought to prolong the conflict for regional balance.^[111] The U.S even provided some support to Saddam's nuclear ambitions.^[111] Israel grew increasingly alarmed by Iraq’s growing capabilities.^[111] Mossad expanded its efforts, targeting not only scientists but also the over 300 Western companies—mainly from Germany, France, the U.S., Belgium, and Switzerland—that had supplied Iraq with WMD-related equipment.^[111] Israeli agents also sabotaged reactor components, such as turbines, at the French port of Marseille.^[111] After the end of the Gulf War in 1991, Saddam declared that his leadership has abandoned its nuclear program. This was one of the major reasons for deterioration of relations between the U.S and Iraq and the toppling of Saddam from power by the United States in 2003.^[111]

OPEC

Iraq has been historically an influential country in the global oil industry. Saddam

Arab world

The Arab states such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Jordan, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates supported Saddam during the Iran–Iraq War. Saddam's foreign minister Sa'dun Hammadi suggested him to make international trips across Arab countries to

Older

Field Marshal
Saddam Hussein
Field Marshal Saddam Hussein
صَدَّام حُسَيْن
	Saddam in 1979
5th President of Iraq
	In office; 16 July 1979 – 9 April 2003
Prime Minister	Himself ; (1979–1991); Sa'dun Hammadi ; (1991); Mohammed Hamza Zubeidi ; (1991–1993); Ahmad Husayn as-Samarrai ; (1993–2003);
Vice President	Taha Muhie-eldin Marouf (1974–2003); Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri; (1979–2003); Taha Yassin Ramadan; (1991–2003);
Preceded by	Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr
Succeeded by	Jay Garner (as Director of the Office for Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance of Iraq); Jalal Talabani (2005);
Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council
	In office; 16 July 1979 – 9 April 2003
Preceded by	Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr
Succeeded by	Office abolished
Prime Minister of Iraq
	In office; 29 May 1994 – 9 April 2003
President	Himself
Preceded by	Ahmad Husayn Khudayir as-Samarrai
Succeeded by	Mohammad Bahr al-Ulloum (as Acting President of the Governing Council of Iraq)
	In office; 16 July 1979 – 23 March 1991
President	Himself
Preceded by	Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr
Succeeded by	Sa'dun Hammadi
Secretary General of the National ; Command of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party
	In office; January 1992 – 30 December 2006
Preceded by	Michel Aflaq
Succeeded by	Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri
Regional Secretary of the Regional ; Command of the Iraqi Regional Branch
	In office; 16 July 1979 – 30 December 2006
National Secretary	Michel Aflaq (until 1989); Himself (from 1989);
Preceded by	Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr
Succeeded by	Izzat Ibrahim ad-Douri
	In office; February 1964 – October 1966
Preceded by	Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr
Succeeded by	Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr
Vice President of Iraq
	In office; 17 July 1968 – 15 July 1979
President	Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr
Preceded by	Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr
Succeeded by	Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri
Member of the Regional Command; of the Iraqi Regional Branch
	In office; February 1964 – 9 April 2003
Personal details
Born	28 April 1937; Al-Awja, Saladin Governorate, Kingdom of Iraq
Died	30 December 2006 (aged 69); Camp Justice, Baghdad, Iraq
Cause of death	Execution by hanging
Resting place	Al-Awja, Saladin, Iraq
Political party	Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party (1957–1966); Iraq-based Ba'ath Party (1966–2006);
Spouses	; Sajida Talfah (m. 1958) ; Samira Shahbandar (m. 1986)
Children	Uday; Qusay; Raghad; Rana; Hala;
Alma mater	Cairo University ; University of Baghdad
Signature
Military service
Allegiance	Iraq
Branch/service	Iraqi Armed Forces
Rank	Marshal
Battles/wars	Second Iraqi–Kurdish War; Iran–Iraq War; Gulf War; 1991 Iraqi uprisings; Iraq War (POW) 2003 invasion of Iraq; ;
	Criminal conviction
Height	1.88 m (6 ft 2 in)
Criminal status	Executed
Conviction	Crimes against humanity during the Dujail massacre
Trial	Trial of Saddam Hussein
Criminal penalty	Death by hanging
Reward amount	$25 million
Date apprehended	13 December 2003
	Saddam Hussein's voice Saddam recites an oath of office following the 1995 Iraqi presidential referendum.

Vice Presidency: 1968–1979

17 July Revolution

In July 1968, Saddam participated in a bloodless coup led by Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr that overthrew Abdul Rahman Arif,^[112]^: 174 Salam Arif's brother and successor. While Saddam's role in the coup was not hugely significant (except in the official account), Saddam planned and carried out the subsequent purge of the non-Ba'athist faction led by Prime Minister Abdul Razzaq an-Naif, whose support had been essential to the coup's success.^[113] According to a semi-official biography, Saddam personally led Naif at gunpoint to the plane that escorted him out of Iraq.^[114] Arif was given refuge in London and then Istanbul. Al-Bakr was named president and Saddam was named his deputy, and deputy chairman of the Ba'athist Revolutionary Command Council. According to biographers, Saddam never forgot the tensions within the first Ba'athist government, which formed the basis for his measures to promote Ba'ath party unity as well as his resolve to maintain power and programs to ensure social stability. Although Saddam was al-Bakr's deputy, he was a strong behind-the-scenes party politician. Al-Bakr was the older and more prestigious of the two, but by 1969 Saddam had become the moving force behind the party.

Political program

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, as vice chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, formally al-Bakr's second-in-command, Saddam built a reputation as a progressive, effective politician.^[115] At this time, he moved up the ranks in the new government by aiding attempts to strengthen and unify the Ba'ath party and taking a leading role in addressing the country's major domestic problems and expanding the party's following.

Economic Reforms

At the center of this strategy was Iraq's oil. On 1 June 1972, Saddam oversaw the seizure of international oil interests, which, at the time, dominated the country's oil sector.^[116] A year later, world oil prices rose dramatically as a result of the 1973 energy crisis, and skyrocketing revenues enabled Saddam to expand his agenda.^[117]

With the help of increasing oil revenues, Saddam diversified the largely oil-based Iraqi economy.^[118] Saddam implemented a national infrastructure campaign that made great progress in building roads, promoting mining, and developing other industries.^[118] The campaign helped Iraq's energy industries.^[118] Electricity was brought to nearly every city in Iraq, and many outlying areas.^[118] Before the 1970s, most of Iraq's people lived in the countryside and roughly two-thirds were peasants.^[25] This number would decrease quickly during the 1970s as global oil prices helped revenues to rise from less than a half billion dollars to tens of billions of dollars and the country invested into industrial expansion.^[25] He nationalized independent banks, eventually leaving the banking system insolvent due to inflation and bad loans.^[119]

Saddam focused on fostering loyalty to the Ba'athists in the rural areas.^[25] After nationalizing foreign oil interests, Saddam supervised the modernization of the countryside, mechanizing agriculture on a large scale, and distributing land to peasant farmers.^[120] The Ba'athists established farm cooperatives and the government also doubled expenditures for agricultural development in 1974–1975.^[25] Saddam's welfare programs were part of a combination of "carrot and stick" tactics to enhance support for Saddam.^[25] The state-owned banks were put under his thumb. Lending was based on cronyism.^[119]

Saddam also pursued to beautify the cities of Iraq. Many monuments were constructed in Baghdad, and the city's Airport was inaugurated in 1982, bearing his name "Saddam International Airport". He also proposed the Baghdad Metro project in 1980, though it did not ultimately come to fruition, due to troubles concerning the Iran–Iraq War. Throughout the 24 years of his presidency, Saddam built more than 100 palaces across the country.^[121]

By the late 1970s, Iraq had experienced significant economic growth, with a budget reserve surpassing US$35 billion. The value of 1 Iraqi dinar was worth more than 3 dollars, making it one of the most notable economic expansions in the region. Saddam's regime aimed to diversify the Iraqi economy beyond oil. The government invested in various industries, including petrochemicals, fertilizer production, and textile manufacturing, to reduce dependence on oil revenues and promote economic self-sufficiency.^[122]

The oil revenue benefited Saddam politically.^[123] According to The Economist, "Much as Adolf Hitler won early praise for galvanizing German industry, ending mass unemployment and building autobahns, Saddam earned admiration abroad for his deeds. He had a good instinct for what the "Arab street" demanded, following the decline in Egyptian leadership brought about by the trauma of Israel's six-day victory in the 1967 war, the death of the pan-Arabist hero, Gamal Abdel Nasser, in 1970, and the "traitorous" drive by his successor, Anwar Sadat, to sue for peace with the Jewish state. Saddam's self-aggrandizing propaganda, with himself posing as the defender of Arabism against Zionist or Persian intruders, was heavy-handed, but consistent as a drumbeat. It helped, of course, that his mukhabarat (secret police) put dozens of Arab news editors, writers and artists on the payroll."^[123]

Saddam also took steps to promote women's rights within Iraq. By the late 1970s, women in Iraq held significant roles in society, representing 46% of all teachers, 29% of all doctors, 46% of all dentists and 70% of all pharmacists. These advancements signaled progress in women's participation in various professional fields.^[124] Women also saw drastic increase in rights in other-aspects of life, with women being given equal-rights in marriage, divorce, inheritance, and custody.^[125] Women in Iraq also had the ability to pass their citizenship down to their children even if they married a non-Iraqi. Women's education no longer was a luxury, with women having the same opportunities as men in higher education.^[125]

Foreign relations

Foreign affairs

n 1972, Saddam signed a 15-year Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union. Arms were sent along with several thousand advisers. According to historian Charles R. H. Tripp, the treaty upset "the US-sponsored security system established as part of the Cold War in the Middle East. It appeared that any enemy of the Baghdad regime was a potential ally of the United States."^[126] In response, the US covertly financed Kurdish rebels led by Mustafa Barzani during the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War; the Kurds were defeated in 1975, leading to the forcible relocation of hundreds of thousands of Kurdish civilians.^[126] A 1978 crackdown on Iraqi Communists and a shift of trade toward the West strained Iraqi relations with the Soviet Union; Iraq then took on a more Western orientation until the Gulf War in 1991.^[127]

After the oil crisis of 1973, France had changed to a more pro-Arab policy and was accordingly rewarded by Saddam with closer ties. Saddam's rare trips abroad included many Western countries. His visit to Spain took place in December 1974, when the Caudillo of Spain, Francisco Franco, invited him to Madrid and he visited Granada, Córdoba and Toledo.^[128] In September 1975 he met with Prime Minister Jacques Chirac in Paris, France.^[129] Saddam's 1975 visit further cemented close ties with French business and ruling political circles.

Iraq's relations with the Arab world have been extremely varied. Relations between Iraq and Egypt violently ruptured in 1977, when the two nations broke relations with each other following Iraq's criticism of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat's peace initiatives with Israel. In 1978, Baghdad hosted an Arab League summit that condemned and ostracized Egypt for accepting the Camp David Accords. Saddam led Arab opposition to the Camp David Accords.

Yom KIppur War

On 26 March 1972, Saddam led a high-level Iraqi delegation to Syria and Egypt as part of Iraq’s regional coordination ahead of the Yom Kippur War. During a meeting in Damascus with Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, preliminary agreements were made on oil transit, Euphrates water sharing, and infrastructure links; however, these were reportedly undermined the next day when Assad ordered technical teams not to proceed, prompting Saddam to leave for Cairo.

In Egypt, Saddam met President Anwar Sadat at a military base near Alexandria. Sadat requested Iraqi military support, specifically Hawker Hunter ground-attack aircraft and Luna missiles, to help Egypt counterbalance Israeli military superiority. Saddam agreed in principle, pledging to study the requests and later authorized the provision of military aid. Iraq eventually contributed squadrons of Hawker Hunter jets and Luna missiles that played a role in Egypt's initial airstrikes and artillery barrages in the October 1973 war. Saddam also pledged oil support to Egypt, including five million barrels as a gift and one million tons at a reduced price.

! Yom Kippur

On March 26, 1972, Saddam made a visit to Egypt and requested that General Saad El-Shazly visit Iraq to inspect the Iraqi army. General El-Shazly did indeed travel to Iraq, but he returned convinced that the Iraqi army would not fight alongside Egypt and Syria in the October War.

However, a surprise occurred just four days later that changed everything.

^[130]

Peace treaty with Iran

Iran and Iraq had been engaged in a long-standing territorial dispute over the Shatt al-Arab waterway, which serves as the border between the two countries.^[131] Iran had backed Kurdish separatists in northern Iraq.^[131] A peace treaty, which aimed to address the Shatt al-Arab dispute, was signed in 1975.^[131] The 1975 Algiers Agreement, also known as the Algiers Accord, was a significant diplomatic agreement signed between Iran and Iraq on 6 March 1975, to settle border disputes and improve bilateral relations.^[131] It was mediated by the then president of Algeria, Houari Boumediene.^[131] Thus Algeria played a crucial role in mediating the negotiations between Iran and Iraq, with Boumediene acting as the chief mediator.^[131] Under the accord, Iraq was granted sovereignty over the eastern bank of the waterway, while Iran retained control over the western bank.^[131] The agreement also allowed for joint navigation and other provisions.^[131]

The agreement was based on the principles of territorial integrity, respect for sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, and the peaceful resolution of disputes.^[131] The agreement established a new border line along the Shatt al-Arab, dividing the waterway equally between Iran and Iraq up to the midpoint.^[131] Iran made significant concessions in the agreement, including relinquishing its claims on the eastern bank of the Shatt al-Arab, which had been under Iranian control.^[131] They also pledged to withdraw support for the Kurds. Saddam aimed to secure Iraq's territorial claims, particularly regarding the Shatt al-Arab waterway, which had been a longstanding source of contention between Iran and Iraq.^[131]

Both parties recognized each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, affirming the principle of non-aggression.^[131] The agreement called for the restoration of full diplomatic relations between Iran and Iraq, including the exchange of ambassadors.^[131] The agreement emphasized the importance of economic cooperation between the two countries, particularly in areas such as trade, transport, and joint development projects.^[131] The signing of the Algiers Agreement occurred during a period of relative stability in Iraq, with Saddam gradually consolidating power within the ruling Ba'ath Party.^[131] Saddam played a pivotal role in the negotiations leading up to the Algiers Agreement, representing Iraq's interests.^[131] Saddam's growing influence within the government allowed him to shape Iraq's approach and stance during the negotiation process.^[131]

Following the agreement, Iraq and Iran restored full diplomatic relations and exchanged ambassadors, representing a significant diplomatic breakthrough.^[131] The Shah withdrew support of the Kurds, who were promptly defeated by the Iraqis. The agreement emphasized the importance of economic cooperation between Iraq and Iran, particularly in areas like trade and joint development projects.^[131] This agreement, while ultimately unable to prevent future hostilities, remained a notable diplomatic achievement for Iraq during Saddam's early political career.^[131]

Iraqi Kurdish war and Shatt al Arab dispute

Foreign relations

Saddam's relations with the Arab world have been varied. Relations with Egypt deteriorated after Egyptian president Anwar al-Sadat's peace initiatives with Israel. However, relations restored when Egypt supported Iraq in the Iran–Iraq War. Earlier Saddam made visits to Saudi Arabia in 1974, which helped in improvement of relations between the two countries. Then crown prince Fahd made return visit to Iraq.

In 1972, Saddam signed a 15-year Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union. Arms were sent along with several thousand advisers. According to historian Charles R. H. Tripp, the treaty upset "the US-sponsored security system established as part of the Cold War in the Middle East. It appeared that any enemy of the Baghdad regime was a potential ally of the United States."^[126] In response, the US covertly financed Kurdish rebels led by Mustafa Barzani during the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War; the Kurds were defeated in 1975, leading to the forcible relocation of hundreds of thousands of Kurdish civilians.^[126] A 1978 crackdown on Iraqi Communists and a shift of trade toward the West strained Iraqi relations with the Soviet Union; Iraq then took on a more Western orientation until the Gulf War in 1991.^[127]

After the oil crisis of 1973, France had changed to a more pro-Arab policy and was accordingly rewarded by Saddam with closer ties. Saddam's rare trips abroad included many Western countries. His visit to Spain took place in December 1974, when the Caudillo of Spain, Francisco Franco, invited him to Madrid and he visited Granada, Córdoba and Toledo.^[128] In September 1975 he met with Prime Minister Jacques Chirac in Paris, France.^[129] Saddam's 1975 visit further cemented close ties with French business and ruling political circles.

Yom Kippur War

VIetnam War

Succession

In 1976, Saddam rose to the position of general in the Iraqi armed forces, and rapidly became the strongman of the government.^[132] As the ailing, elderly al-Bakr became unable to execute his duties, Saddam took on an increasingly prominent role as the face of the government both internally and externally.^[132]

He soon became the architect of Iraq's foreign policy and represented the nation in all diplomatic situations.^[132] He was the de facto leader of Iraq some years before he formally came to power in 1979.^[132] He slowly began to consolidate his power over Iraq's government and the Ba'ath party.^[132] Relationships with fellow party members were carefully cultivated, and Saddam soon accumulated a powerful circle of support within the party.^[132]

In 1979, al-Bakr started to make treaties with Syria, also under Ba'athist leadership, that would lead to unification between the two countries.^[132] Syrian President Hafez al-Assad would become deputy leader in a union, and this would drive Saddam to obscurity.^[132] Saddam acted to secure his grip on power.^[132] He forced the ailing al-Bakr to resign on 16 July 1979, and formally assumed the presidency.^[132]

Presidency (1979–2003)

Consolidation of power

Saddam convened an assembly of Ba'ath party leaders on 22 July 1979.^[133] During the assembly, which he ordered videotaped,^[134] Saddam claimed to have found a fifth column within the ruling party and directed Muhyi Abdul-Hussein to read out a confession and the names of 68 alleged co-conspirators.^[133] These members were labelled "disloyal" and were removed from the room one by one and taken into custody.^[133] After the list was read, Saddam congratulated those still seated in the room for their past and future loyalty.^[133] The 68 people arrested at the meeting were subsequently tried together and found guilty of treason; 22 were sentenced to execution.^[133] Other high-ranking members of the party formed the firing squad.^[133]^[135]

Muhyi Abd al-Hussein Mashhadi, the secretary-general of the Baՙth Party, was replaced by someone closer to Saddam.^[136] This was the first sign of consolidation of power by Saddam. Many officials of al-Bakr's time were removed.^[136] Few survived Saddam's takeover such as Adnan Khairallah and Sa'dun Hammadi.^[136] Many of the officials in the government, specially Shias, were removed and replaced by Saddam's close associates, specially the Sunnis. A second round of purges would occur in June, 1982, when half of the sixteen RCC members who had survived the 1979 "countercoup" were removed from power.^[136]

Paramilitary and police organizations

"There is a feeling that at least three million Iraqis are watching the eleven million others."

—"A European diplomat", quoted in The New York Times, April 3, 1984.^[67]

Iraqi society fissures along lines of language, religion and ethnicity. The Ba'ath Party, secular by nature, adopted Pan-Arab ideologies which in turn were problematic for significant parts of the population. Following the Iranian Revolution of 1979, Iraq faced the prospect of régime change from two Shi'ite factions (Dawa and SCIRI) which aspired to model Iraq on its neighbour Iran as a Shia theocracy. A separate threat to Iraq came from parts of the ethnic Kurdish population of northern Iraq which opposed being part of an Iraqi state and favored independence (an ongoing ideology which had preceded Ba'ath Party rule). To alleviate the threat of revolution, Saddam afforded certain benefits to the potentially hostile population. Membership in the Ba'ath Party remained open to all Iraqi citizens regardless of background, and repressive measures were taken against its opponents.^[137]

The major instruments for accomplishing this control were the paramilitary and police organizations. Beginning in 1974, Taha Yassin Ramadan, a close associate of Saddam, commanded the People's Army, which had responsibility for internal security. As the Ba'ath Party's paramilitary, the People's Army acted as a counterweight against any coup attempts by the regular armed forces. In addition to the People's Army, the Department of General Intelligence was the most notorious arm of the state-security system, feared for its use of torture and assassination. Barzan Ibrahim al-Tikriti, Saddam's younger half-brother, commanded Mukhabarat. Foreign observers believed that from 1982 this department operated both at home and abroad in its mission to seek out and eliminate Saddam's perceived opponents.^[137]^[138]

Saddam was notable for using terror against his own people. The Economist described Saddam as "one of the last of the 20th century's great dictators, but not the least in terms of egotism, or cruelty, or morbid will to power."^[123] Saddam's regime brought about the deaths of at least 250,000 Iraqis^[139] and committed war crimes in Iran, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International issued regular reports of widespread imprisonment and torture. Conversely, Saddam used Iraq's oil wealth to develop an extensive patronage system for the regime's supporters.^[140]

Although Saddam is often described as a totalitarian leader, Joseph Sassoon notes that there are important differences between Saddam's repression and the totalitarianism practiced by Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin, particularly with regard to freedom of movement and freedom of religion.^[140]

Domestic policies

Economy

As a result of Saddam's development initiatives during his vice presidency, Iraq's economy continued to experience growth.^[141] In 1979, Iraq pumped 3 million barrels of oil per day.^[142] By 1980, it became one of the most advanced economies in the Middle East. It had a relatively large middle class, per capita income levels comparable to Venezuela, Trinidad or Korea, one of the best educational systems in the Arab world, a well educated population and generally good standards of medical care. A U.S government report on Iraq put it in June 2003:

In the 1980s, Iraq had one of the Arab world’s most advanced economies. Though buffeted by the strains of the Iran-Iraq war, it had – besides petroleum -- a considerable industrial sector, a relatively well-developed transport system, and comparatively good infrastructure. Iraq had a relatively large middle class, per capita income levels comparable to Venezuela, Trinidad or Korea, one of the best educational systems in the Arab world, a well educated population and generally good standards of medical care.

Though the Iran–Iraq War had impact on the Iraqi economy, nevertheless, it remained stable.^[143] it had - besides petroleum -- a considerable industrial sector, a relatively well-developed transport system, and comparatively good infrastructure. During the war, more Iraqis were conscripted into the army, and Iraq utilized foreign labor for the industries from Egypt, Palestine and India. Nevertheless, Iraq was a centrally directed command economy that was heavily dependant on oil revenue to fund its key institutions and its development program. Saddam experimented in the late 1980s with privatization, functional autonomy for some elements of the economy, and limited use of market forces. This initiative ended, however, with the advent of the first Gulf war.

Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent Gulf War led to decline in Iraq's economy.

Development projects

Beginning since his accession to vice-presidency, Saddam led a campaign of several development projects in Iraq.

Tourist spots were built.^[144]

Women's rights

Education

With an Arab–Muslim majority, Iraq is home to a diverse ethnic and religious population. S

Religion, ethnicity and sects (!)

Saddam's position on Iraq's ethnic and religious diversity was pragmatic and often contradictory.^[98] His ideology was deeply rooted in Arab nationalism. The ruling elite in Iraq was dominated by Arab Sunni Muslims, which shaped perceptions of sectarianism, religious and ethnic and discrimination. However, Saddam officially promoted a secular position, and made generous amends, to gain support from Iraq's diverse communities. Saddam instructed the Ministry of Endowments (Awqaf) to ensure that all religious communities had a representative to maintain peace between religions. This was part of his broader strategy to manage the diverse religious landscape of Iraq, ensuring that all communities were accounted for and their needs were met.

Saddam kept control over anti-Christian violence in Iraq. Cardinal Fernando Filoni, who was Vatican's ambassador to Iraq, stated that under Saddam's regime, Christians were free to practice their faith in the majority-Muslim country. Yazidis, Mandaeans and Jews were given state protection.^[99] As a sign of respect, the Mandaean Book of John's first copy translation into Arabic was given to Saddam. He vowed to build temples for Mandaeans, with quoting, "Iraqis have religious freedom, whether they are Muslims, Christians or Sabaeans". Saddam lifted discriminatory laws and travel bans against Jews in Iraq. He provided assistance for preservation of Jewish sites across Iraq. Saddam formed a separte armed group for the protection Jews and its responsibility was given to his son Qusay Hussein.

However, Saddam's ethnic policies are debated. With events such as the Anfal Campaign, leading the critics to denounce Saddam, his position on Kurdish politics is debated. Saddam granted autonomy to Kurds to an extent, that allowed them to use Kurdish language in education, media and culture, recognizing the Kurdistan Democratic Party as a legal progressive party, and retaining an elected Kurdish representative to Baghdad. Kurds in Iraq had better treatment under Saddam compare to their counterparts in Iran, Turkey and Syria. Similarly, Iraqi Christians, ethnically Assyrians and Armenians, were subjected to imposition of Arab nationalism and Saddam's policies denied them ethnic rights as Assyrians.^[100] Though they often enjoyed broad religious rights and were able to preserve their culture, while avoiding sensitive political arena.^[101]^[102] Saddam gave recoginition to Kawliya community and more rights to Afro–Iraqis.

Saddam sought to integrate Iraq's ethnic and religious groups in the society. He also appointed members of various religious and ethnic minorities to high-ranking positions based on loyalty, to portray himself as an impartial leader. Military conscription applied to every community. Kurds were given important ministerial and military positions, such as Taha Yassin Ramadan, the vice president. Saddam's architectural consultant Rifat Chadirji was Turkmen. His foreign minister and deputy Tariq Aziz, was a Chaldaean Christian and ethnic Assyrian. Christians notably served as bureaucrats and administrators, and Armenians worked in Saddam's presidential palaces.^[103] Shias formed majority in the military, foreign ministry, and oil industry. Two of Saddam's foreign ministers—Sa'dun Hammadi and Muhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf and Jafar Dhia Jafar, known as the father of Iraq's nuclear program, were Shia. Abdul Razzaq Abdul Wahid, a well known Mandaean poet, was Cultural advisor to Saddam. Jews also held positions as doctors and engineers in the government and military, such as Shaoul Sassoon, a chief engineer in the Ministry of Industry, who was rewarded by Saddam for his innovations.

Religion, ethnicity and sects

army Generals, commander and lieutenant

Churches and synagoagues were protected.^[145] Christians flourished under Saddam's rule, which numbered 1.2 million (8–11%). Cardinal Fernando Filoni, who was Vatican's ambassador to Iraq, stated that during Saddam's time, Christians were free to practice their faith in the majority-Muslim Iraq.^[146]

Mandaeans were given state protection under Saddam.^[147] As a sign of respect, the Mandaean Book of John's first copy translation into Arabic was given to Saddam.^[148] After this he vowed to build temples for the Mandaeans, with quoting, "Iraqis have religious freedom, whether they are Muslims, Christians or Sabaeans".^[149] However, after his downfall, Mandaeans faced severe persecution, and constant kidnappings.^[150]^[151] They often expressed that they were better under Saddam's rule, and praise him for the protection they received.^[151]^[150]^[152]

Saddam improved the status of remaining Jews in Iraq and lifted discriminatory laws.^[153] He granted them protection and permission to practice their religion.^[154] In 1998, on the day of Jewish festival of Sukkot, a Palestinian man entered the Baghdad synagogue and shot four people to death, including two Jews.^[155] A cabinet meeting chaired by Saddam condemned the attack.^[156] He also said that: "Anyone who hurt the Jews in Baghdad would pay a heavy price".^[157]^[158]^[159]^[160]^[161] The attacker was arrested and executed in 1999.^[156] To gain support from the Shi'a community, Saddam made generous gestures, such as provinding financial support to endowments.

Saddam's position on Kurdish politics is debated, with events such as the Anfal Campaign leading many critics to denounce Saddam.^[162] Despite this, Saddam's government had a higher tolerance of Iraqi Kurds than in countries such as Syria and Turkey, with partial autonomy being granted to them and Kurdish being recognized as an official language that was freely spoken.^[163]^[162] The Kurds were allowed to speak Kurdish in schools, on television, and in newspapers, with textbooks being translated for the Kurdish regions.^[162] Kurds in Iraq were able to elect a Kurdish representative to Baghdad with the KDP being legitimized as a legal, progressive party in Iraq.^[162] Despite tense relations, Saddam provided the Turkmen community with opportunities to contribute to Iraq and multiple Turkmen were in the army.

Iraqi Christians are predominantly Assyrians, followed by Armenians and Arabs.^[164]^[165] In the 1970s, the government recognized cultural rights of Assyrians, allowing them to use Syriac language for education and media.^[164] However, the decree did not take in-effect.^[164] Despite imposition of Arab nationalism, they often enjoyed broad religious rights.^[165] Being refrained from sensitive politics, allowed Assyrians to preserve their religious identity and language, albeit in a limited and constrained manner. Armenians in Iraq were fairly treated by Saddam.^[166]^[167] Before 2003, there were 100,000 Armenians in Iraq.^[167] On other hands, Kawliya and African community were given representation in the government.

Diversity in leadership

Under Saddam 's administration, senior government, military, and security roles were predominantly filled by Arab Sunni Muslims, a minority that made up about a fifth of the population.^[168] However, contrary to popular belief, Saddam was not inherently sectarian in approach.^[169] While key security posts were often reserved for close relatives, he also appointed members of various religious and ethnic minorities to high-ranking positions and as representatives based on loyalty to his regime.^[170]^[171]^[172] This strategy aimed to stabilize the country, secure support from diverse communities, and portray Saddam as a unifying national leader.^[171]^[173]^[174]

Educated Shias in Iraq played a significant role in state affairs, particularly in diplomacy, education cultural, and the military-industrial sectors.^[175] Shias accounted for over 60% of general managers in the Military Industrialization Authority, 70% of the technical staff, and 40% of the National Assembly.^[175] Majority of Saddam's prime ministers, foriegn ministers and oil ministers were Shias.^[176] Notable Shia figures included military officers like Abdul Ghani al-Asadi and Abboud Qanbar, and politicians such as Sa'dun Hammadi—longest-serving Speaker of Parliament—and Foreign Minister Muhammad Saeed al-Sahhaf.^[175] Many university presidents, deans, and professors, especially in central and southern Iraq, were Shias.^[175] Shias also held senior positions in banking, oil, academia, and science, including Fadhil Chalabi and Jaafar Diaa Jaafar, who is known as the father of Iraq's nuclear program.^[175]

Christians are generally well educated and served as bureaucrats, diplomats, bank governors, and administrators within the government.^[177] Christians were active in civil service, diplomacy, and the military.^[171] Iraqi Christians are predominantly native Assyrians, followed by Arabs and Armenians.^[177] Many Christians worked in Saddam's presidential palaces.^[177] Tariq Aziz, an ethnic Assyrian and Chaldean Christian, served as Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister.^[178] Other Christian officials in the military included Georges Sada, Kamel Hana Gegeo and Malko Hana.^[171] Subhi Farankoul was the governor of Iraq's Central Bank, first Christian to hold this position, as well as Dr. Adnan Aziz Jabro, general manager in the state.^[171] On other hands, Armenians worked in Saddam's inner circle and served in the armed forces during the Iran–Iraq War and the Gulf War.^[179]^[180]

Saddam had multiple Kurdish generals, ministers and diplomats in his government.^[171] Two of Iraq's vice presidents — Taha Yassin Ramadan and Taha Muhie-eldin Marouf were Kurds, with Ramadan serving as Commander of the People's Militia.^[171] Other Kurdish officials included Mukarram Talabani and Umaid Madhat Mubarak, as well as military figures like Sabah Mirza Mahmoud.^[171] During the invasion of Iraq, two brigades were formed in the Republican Guard composed entirely of Kurds, citing a proof by Saddam himself that the government then did not discriminate against Kurds.^[181] Turkmen were appointed to some civil and military posts.^[171] Fadel Ahmed Abdullah al-Hiyali and Abd al-Rahman Mustafa al-Qaduli served as generals and commanders, while Rifat Chadirji, a Turkmen architect, was a key advisor on Baghdad's urban development projects and is often regarded as the father of modern Iraqi architecture.^[182]^[183]^[184]^[185]^[186]

Mandaeans were active in state administration and craftsmanship.^[187] Many were Ba'ath Party members, and individuals such as Abdul Razzaq served as advisors to the Ministry of Culture.^[187]^[188] Mandaeans were known for their work as goldsmiths and jewelers, with Saddam's personal jeweler being Mandaean.^[188] Iraqi Jews also served in state institutions.^[189] Saddam appointed Naji Salman Salih as a Jewish representative in the government.^[190] Jews worked as professors, doctors, civil servants, and military engineers, including figures like Shaoul Sassoon and Dr. Eliyahu.^[191]^[190] In 1988, Jewish chemist Ibrahim Hesqel represented Iraq in a trade mission to China.^[191] Saddam acknowledged figures like Sassoon Eskell and Dr. Jack Aboud Shabi, a Jewish psychiatrist, as a pioneer and father of modern psychiatry in Iraq.^[189]

Religion, sect and ethnicity

With an Arab-Muslim majority, Iraq is home to a diverse religious and ethnic society. Under Saddam 's administration, senior government, military, and security roles were predominantly filled by Arab Sunni Muslims, a minority that made up about a fifth of the population. However, contrary to popular belief, Saddam was not inherently sectarian in approach.^[169] While key security posts were often reserved for close relatives, he also appointed members of various religious and ethnic minorities to high-ranking positions and as representatives based on loyalty to his regime.^[170]^[171]^[172] He made numerous gestures and generous contribution to certain ethnic and religious groups in Iraq. This strategy aimed to stabilize the country, secure support from diverse communities, and portray Saddam as a unifying national leader.^[171]^[173]^[174]

Religious minorities such as Christians, Mandaeans, and Jews were given protection and recoginition. Churches and synagogues were protected. Saddam's government funded in construction and preservation of Jewish cemeteries, shrines and holy sites. Discriminatory laws and travel restriction against Jews were lifted. Within the security division, a separate department was formed to protect Jews.

Iran–Iraq War: 1980–1988

Background

In early 1979, Iran's Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's Pahlavi dynasty were overthrown by the Islamic Revolution, thus giving way to an Islamic republic led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.^[192] The influence of revolutionary Shi'ite Islam grew apace in the region, particularly in countries with large Shi'ite populations, especially Iraq.^[192] Saddam feared that the radical Islamic ideas—hostile to his secular rule—were rapidly spreading inside his country among the majority Shi'ite population.^[192] Despite Saddam's fears of massive unrest, Iran's attempts to export its Islamic Revolution were largely unsuccessful in rallying support from Shi'ites in Iraq and the Gulf states.^[193] Most Iraqi Shi'ites, who comprised the majority of the Iraqi Armed Forces, chose their own country over their Shi'ite Iranian coreligionists during the war that ensued.^[193]

There had also been bitter enmity between Saddam and Khomeini since the 1970s.^[192] Khomeini, having been exiled from Iran in 1964, took up residence in Iraq, at the Shi'a holy city of Najaf.^[192] There he involved himself with Iraqi Shi'as and developed a strong religious and political following against the Iranian government, which Saddam tolerated.^[192] When Khomeini began to urge the Shi'ites there to overthrow Saddam and under pressure from the Shah, who had agreed to a rapprochement between Iraq and Iran in 1975, Saddam agreed to expel Khomeini in 1978 to France.^[192] Here, Khomeini gained media connections and collaborated with a much larger Iranian community, to his advantage.^[192] After Khomeini gained power, skirmishes between Iraq and revolutionary Iran occurred for ten months over the sovereignty of the disputed Shatt al-Arab waterway, which divides the two countries.^[192] During this period, Saddam publicly maintained that it was in Iraq's interest not to engage with Iran, and that it was in the interests of both nations to maintain peaceful relations.^[192]^[194]

The outbreak of the war in September 1980 was preceded by a long period of tension between the two countries throughout 1979 and 1980, including frequent border skirmishes, calls by Khomeini for the Shia Muslims in Iraq to revolt against the ruling Ba'ath Party, and allegations of Iraqi support for ethnic separatists in Iran.^[195] There were frequent clashes along the Iran–Iraq border throughout 1980, with Iraq publicly complaining of at least 544 incidents and Iran citing at least 797 violations of its border and airspace.^[196] On 1 April 1980, the Islamic Dawa Party, an Iraqi Islamist group with supportive ties to Iran, attempted to assassinate Tariq Aziz, Iraq's then deputy prime minister at the University of Baghdad campus, in retaliation for a 30 March decree declaring "membership of Dawa [to be] a capital offense".^[197] On 30 April, Iraq organized an attack on the Iranian embassy in London.^[196] On 10 September 1980, Iraq forcibly reclaimed territories in Zain al-Qaws and Saif Saad that it had been promised under the terms of the 1975 Algiers Agreement but that Iran had never handed over, leading to both Iran and Iraq voiding the treaty, on 14 September and 17 September, respectively.^[198]^[199]

Warfare: 1980–1988

Iraq invaded Iran on 22 September 1980, first launching airstrikes on numerous targets in Iran, including the Mehrabad Airport of Tehran, before occupying the oil-rich Iranian province of Khuzestan, which also has a sizable Arab minority.^[192] The invasion was initially successful, as Iraq captured more than 25,900 km² of the Iranian territory by 5 December 1980.^[200]^[192] Saddam became "defender of the Arab world against a fundamentalist Iran."^[193] Consequently, many viewed Iraq as "an agent of the civilized world."^[193]

The blatant disregard of international law and violations of international borders were ignored.^[193] Instead Iraq received economic and military support from its allies, who overlooked Saddam's use of chemical warfare against the Kurds and Iranians, in addition to Iraq's efforts to develop nuclear weapons.^[193] In the first days of the war, there was heavy ground fighting around strategic ports as Iraq launched an attack on Khuzestan.^[192] After making some initial gains, Iraq's troops began to suffer losses from human wave attacks by Iran.^[193] Iraq's nuclear reactor was destroyed on 7 June 1981 by an Israeli air strike.^[201] It was allegedly supported by Iran. By 1982, Iraq was on the defensive and looking for ways to end the war.^[192] Iraq quickly found itself bogged down in one of the longest and most destructive wars of attrition of the 20th century.^[192] Khuzestan and Basra were the main focus of the war, and the primary source of their economies.

Saddam nearly lost his sanity as the battlefield situation deteriorated against Iraq.^[202] He began mobilizing all of the country’s resources to support the war effort and started requesting assistance from Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia. The Gulf rulers sensed that the danger was drawing closer to the region and rushed to provide every form of support, including financial aid. During this period, Iraq received $12 billion.^[203] A number of Arab countries, including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Kuwait, purchased weapons on behalf of Iraq.^[204] Iraq then began producing and developing Scud missiles, extending their range to reach deeper into Iranian cities.^[205] Meanwhile, Iran had acquired a number of similar missiles and used them to strike Baghdad and other Iraqi cities.^[205]^[206] These missiles were launched every few days or weeks, targeting civilians and killing innocent people.^[205] One such missile struck an elementary school in Baghdad, killing and injuring many children.^[207] The Iraqis lived in constant fear of this dangerous weapon, never knowing when or where a missile might hit or how many innocents it would kill.^[208] Iraq succeeded in acquiring large numbers of these missiles, continued to develop them, and increased their range and began launching them in large numbers at Tehran and other Iranian cities, eventually exceeding 1,000 missiles, inflicting massive destruction and civilian casualties.^[209] The war became increasingly dangerous and harmful to civilians.

During the war, Iraq used chemical weapons against Iranian forces fighting on the southern front and Kurdish separatists who were attempting to open up a northern front in Iraq with the help of Iran, inflicting severe losses.^[192] Tariq Aziz later acknowledged Iraq's use of chemical weapons against Iran, but said that Iran had used them against Iraq first.^[210]^[192] Iraq filled Scud missiles with toxic gases such as mustard gas and sarin. Then, it set its sights on expanding its arsenal into biological and germ warfare, eventually succeeding in producing such weapons and arming bombs with them. The Iranians, demanding that the international community should force Iraq to pay war reparations to Iran, refused any suggestions for a cease-fire.^[192] Despite several calls for a ceasefire by the United Nations Security Council, hostilities continued until 20 August 1988.^[211] The bloody eight-year war ended in a stalemate. Encyclopædia Britannica states: "Estimates of total casualties range from 1,000,000 to twice that number.^[192] The number killed on both sides was perhaps 500,000, with Iran suffering the greatest losses."^[212] Neither side had achieved what they had originally desired and the borders were left nearly unchanged.^[192]

The southern, oil rich and prosperous areas were almost completely destroyed and were left at pre-1979 border, while Iran managed to make some small gains on its borders in the Northern Kurdish area.^[192] Both economies, previously healthy and expanding, were left in ruins.^[192] Saddam borrowed tens of billions of dollars from other Arab states and a few billions from elsewhere.^[192] He fought Iran mainly to prevent the expansion of Shi'a radicalism.^[192] This backfired on Iraq and Arab states, as Khomeini was widely perceived as a hero for managing to defend Iran and maintain the war with little foreign support against the heavily backed Iraq and only managed to boost Islamic radicalism not only within the Arab states, but within Iraq itself, creating new tensions between the Sunni majority Ba'ath Party and the majority Shi'a population.^[192] Faced with rebuilding Iraq's infrastructure and internal resistance, Saddam desperately re-sought cash, this time for postwar reconstruction.^[192]

Anfal campaign: 1986–1989

The Anfal campaign was a campaign that took place during the war against the Kurdish people and many others in Kurdish regions of Iraq led by the government and headed by Ali Hassan al-Majid. The campaign takes its name from Qur'anic chapter 8 (al-ʾanfāl), which was used as a code name by the administration for a series of attacks against the peshmerga rebels and the mostly Kurdish civilian population of rural Northern Iraq, conducted between 1986 and 1989 culminating in 1988.^[213] The campaign was in retaliation to Kurd's support for Iran and their rebellion.^[213] This campaign also targeted Shabaks and Yazidis, Assyrians, Turkoman people and many villages belonging to these ethnic groups were also destroyed.^[213] Human Rights Watch estimates that between 50,000 and 100,000 people were killed.^[214] It considers the campaign as an act of genocide.^[213] Some Kurdish sources put the number higher, estimating that 182,000 Kurds were killed.^[215]^[216]^[139]

On 16 March 1988, the Kurdish town of Halabja was attacked with a mix of mustard gas and nerve agents, killing between 3,200 and 5,000 people, and injuring 7,000 to 10,000 more, mostly civilians.^[217]^[218]^[219] The attack occurred in conjunction with the Anfal campaign designed to reassert central control of the mostly Kurdish population of areas of northern Iraq and defeat the Kurdish peshmerga rebel forces. Following the incident, the U.S. State Department took the official position that Iran was partly to blame for the Halabja massacre.^[220] A study by the Defense Intelligence Agency held Iran responsible for the attack,^[221] an assessment that was subsequently used by the Central Intelligence Agency for much of the early 1990s.^[221] Despite this, few observers today doubt that it was Iraq that executed the Halabja massacre.^[222] According to Joost Hiltermann: "Analysis of thousands of captured Iraqi secret police documents and declassified U.S. government documents, as well as interviews with scores of Kurdish survivors, senior Iraqi defectors and retired U.S. intelligence officers, show (1) that Iraq carried out the attack on Halabja, and (2) that the United States, fully aware it was Iraq, accused Iran, Iraq's enemy in a fierce war, of being partly responsible for the attack."^[220]

The city was largely destroyed in attacks.^[223] Shortly before the beginning the Gulf War in 1990, Saddam built a new city for the Kurds nearby, named as Saddam's Halabja (Saddamiyyat Halabja).^[223]

International Support and opposition

With the support of other Arab states, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Europe, and heavily financed by the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, Saddam had become "the defender of the Arab world" against a revolutionary, fundamentalist and Shia Islamist Iran.^[224] The only exception was the Soviet Union.^[225]^[226] It initially refused to supply Iraq on the basis of neutrality in the conflict.^[227] Although in his memoirs, Mikhail Gorbachev claimed that Leonid Brezhnev refused to aid Saddam over infuriation of Saddam's treatment of Iraqi communists.^[192] However, by 1982, the Soviet Union began giving military aid to Saddam and in the final years (1986–1988), it actively supported Iraq.^[228]

In a U.S. bid to open full diplomatic relations with Iraq, the country was removed from the U.S list of State Sponsors of Terrorism in February 1982.^[229] Ostensibly, this was because of improvement in the regime's record, although former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense Noel Koch later stated, "No one had any doubts about [the Iraqis'] continued involvement in terrorism ... The real reason was to help them succeed in the war against Iran."^[230] Middle East special envoy Donald Rumsfeld met Saddam on 19–20 December 1983 at Baghdad.^[231]^[232]^[233] After which, Saddam sent his deputy Aziz to visit the United States in 1984.^[234] He was hosted by Ronald Reagan at the White House, along with then vice-president George H. W. Bush and succeeded in winning U.S support for Iraq.^[234] To strengthen ties with China, Saddam sent Salim Ashir, a chemist on trade mission to China in 1988.^[235] This mission helped in securing numerous trade agreements between Iraq and China.^[235]

The Soviet Union, France, and China together accounted for over 90% of the value of Iraq's arms imports between 1980 and 1988.^[236] While the U.S supplied Iraq with arms, dual-use technology and economic aid, it was also involved in a covert and controversial illegal arms deal, providing sanctioned Iran with weaponry.^[192] This political scandal became known as the Iran–Contra affair.^[237] Saddam reached out to other Arab governments for cash and political support during the war, particularly after Iraq's oil industry severely suffered at the hands of the Iranian navy in the Persian Gulf.^[192] Saddam attended numerous Arab League summits.^[192] Iraq successfully gained some military and financial aid, as well as diplomatic and moral support, from the Soviet Union, China, France, and the U.S, which together feared the prospects of the expansion of revolutionary Iran's influence in the region.^[192] Saddam also attended Arab League summits.

Chemical weapons were developed by Iraq from materials and technology supplied primarily by West German companies as well as using dual-use technology imported following the Reagan administration's lifting of export restrictions.^[238] The United States government also supplied Iraq with "satellite photos showing Iranian deployments."^[239] This satellite imagery may have played a crucial role in blocking the Iranian invasion of Iraq in 1982.^[240] However, Saddam's government later blamed the Iraqi defeat in the First Battle of al-Faw in February 1986 on "misinformation from the U.S."^[241]

Gulf War: 1990–1991

Tensions with Kuwait: 1988–1990

The end of the war with Iran served to deepen latent tensions between Iraq and its wealthy neighbor Kuwait.^[242] Saddam urged the Kuwaitis to waive the Iraqi debt accumulated in the war, some $30 billion, but they refused.^[243] He pushed oil-exporting countries to raise oil prices by cutting back production; Kuwait refused, then led the opposition in OPEC to the cuts that Saddam had requested. Kuwait was pumping large amounts of oil, and thus keeping prices low, when Iraq needed to sell high-priced oil from its wells to pay off its huge debt.^[243]

Saddam had consistently argued that Kuwait had historically been an integral part of Iraq, and had only come into being as a result of interference from the British government; echoing a belief that Iraqi nationalists had supported for the past fifty years. This belief was one of the few articles of faith uniting the political scene in a nation rife with sharp social, ethnic, religious, and ideological divides.^[243] The extent of Kuwaiti oil reserves also intensified tensions in the region. The oil reserves of Kuwait (with a population of 2 million next to Iraq's 25) were roughly equal to those of Iraq. Taken together, Iraq and Kuwait sat on top of some 20 percent of the world's known oil reserves; Saudi Arabia held another 25 percent. Saddam still had an experienced and well-equipped army, which he used to influence regional affairs. He later ordered troops to the Iraq–Kuwait border.^[243]

As Iraq–Kuwait relations rapidly deteriorated, Saddam was receiving conflicting information about how the US would respond to the prospects of an invasion. For one, Washington had been taking measures to cultivate a constructive relationship with Iraq for roughly a decade. The Reagan administration gave Iraq roughly $4 billion in agricultural credits to bolster it against Iran.^[244] Saddam's Iraq became "the third-largest recipient of US assistance."^[245] Reacting to Western criticism in April 1990, Saddam threatened to destroy half of Israel with chemical weapons if it moved against Iraq.^[246] In May 1990 he criticized US support for Israel warning that "the US cannot maintain such a policy while professing friendship towards the Arabs."^[247] In July 1990 he threatened force against Kuwait and the UAE saying "The policies of some Arab rulers are American ... They are inspired by America to undermine Arab interests and security."^[248] The US sent warplanes and combat ships to the Persian Gulf in response to these threats.^[249]

The US ambassador to Iraq, April Glaspie, met with Saddam in an emergency meeting on 25 July 1990, where the Iraqi leader attacked American policy with regards to Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates (UAE):^[250]

So what can it mean when America says it will now protect its friends? It can only mean prejudice against Iraq. This stance plus maneuvers and statements which have been made has encouraged the UAE and Kuwait to disregard Iraqi rights. If you use pressure, we will deploy pressure and force. We know that you can harm us although we do not threaten you. But we too can harm you. Everyone can cause harm according to their ability and their size. We cannot come all the way to you in the US, but individual Arabs may reach you. We do not place America among the enemies. We place it where we want our friends to be and we try to be friends. But repeated American statements last year made it apparent that America did not regard us as friends.

Glaspie replied:^[250]

I know you need funds. We understand that and our opinion is that you should have the opportunity to rebuild your country. But we have no opinion on the Arab-Arab conflicts, like your border disagreement with Kuwait. ... Frankly, we can only see that you have deployed massive troops in the south. Normally that would not be any of our business. But when this happens in the context of what you said on your national day, then when we read the details in the two letters of the Foreign Minister, then when we see the Iraqi point of view that the measures taken by the UAE and Kuwait is, in the final analysis, parallel to military aggression against Iraq, then it would be reasonable for me to be concerned.

— April Glaspie

Saddam stated that he would attempt last-ditch negotiations with the Kuwaitis but Iraq "would not accept death."^[250] U.S officials attempted to maintain a conciliatory line with Iraq, indicating that while George H. W. Bush and James Baker did not want force used, they would not take any position on the Iraq–Kuwait boundary dispute and did not want to become involved.^[251] Later, Iraq and Kuwait met for a final negotiation session, which failed. Saddam then sent his troops into Kuwait.^[252] As tensions between Washington and Saddam began to escalate, the Soviet Union, under Mikhail Gorbachev, strengthened its military relationship with the Iraqi leader, providing him military advisers, arms and aid.^[252]

Invasion of Kuwait

On 2 August 1990, Saddam invaded Kuwait, initially claiming assistance to "Kuwaiti revolutionaries", thus sparking an international crisis.^[253] On 4 August an Iraqi-backed "Provisional Government of Free Kuwait" was proclaimed, but a total lack of legitimacy and support for it led to an 8 August announcement of a "merger" of the two countries.^[254] On 28 August Kuwait formally became the 19th Governorate of Iraq. Just two years after the 1988 Iraq and Iran truce, "Saddam did what his Gulf patrons had earlier paid him to prevent." Having removed the threat of Iranian fundamentalism he "overran Kuwait and confronted his Gulf neighbors in the name of Arab nationalism and Islam."^[193] Saddam justified the invasion of Kuwait in 1990 by claiming that Kuwait had always been an integral part of Iraq and only became an independent nation due to the interference of the British Empire.^[255]

When later asked why he invaded Kuwait, Saddam first claimed that it was because Kuwait was rightfully Iraq's 19th province and then said "When I get something into my head I act. That's just the way I am."^[123] As per observers, Saddam could pursue such military aggression with a "military machine paid for in large part by the tens of billions of dollars Kuwait and the Gulf states had poured into Iraq and the weapons and technology provided by the Soviet Union, Germany, and France."^[193] It was revealed during his 2003–2004 interrogation that in addition to economic disputes, an insulting exchange between the Kuwaiti emir Jaber al-Ahmd Al Sabah and Iraq's foreign minister – during which Saddam claimed that the emir stated his intention to turn "every Iraqi woman into a $10 prostitute" by ruining Iraq financially – was a decisive factor in triggering the invasion.^[256] Shortly before he invaded Kuwait, Saddam shipped 100 new Mercedes cars 200 Series cars to top editors in Egypt and Jordan. Two days before the first attacks, Saddam reportedly offered Egypt's Hosni Mubarak $50 million in cash, "ostensibly for grain."^[257]

George H. W. Bush responded cautiously for the first several days.^[258] On one hand, Kuwait, prior to this point, had been a virulent enemy of Israel and was the Persian Gulf monarchy that had the most friendly relations with the Soviets.^[258] On the other hand, Washington foreign policymakers, along with Middle East experts, military critics, and firms heavily invested in the region, were extremely concerned with stability in this region.^[259] The invasion immediately triggered fears that the world's price of oil, and therefore control of the world economy, was at stake.^[260] The United Kingdom profited heavily from billions of dollars of Kuwaiti investments and bank deposits.^[260] Bush was perhaps swayed while meeting with British prime minister Margaret Thatcher, who happened to be in the U.S. at the time.^[260]

Yasser Arafat supported Saddam during the war.^[261] During the period of negotiations and threats following the invasion, Saddam focused renewed attention on the Palestinian problem by promising to withdraw his forces from Kuwait if Israel would relinquish the occupied territories in the West Bank, the Golan Heights, and the Gaza Strip.^[261] Saddam's proposal further split the Arab world, pitting US- and Western-supported Arab states against the Palestinians.^[261] The allies ultimately rejected any linkage between the Kuwait crisis and Palestinian issues.^[261]

Operation Desert Storm

Willy Brandt and Sadoun al-Zubaydi with Saddam in 1990.

Cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union made possible the passage of resolutions in the United Nations Security Council giving Iraq a deadline to leave Kuwait and approving the use of force if Saddam did not comply with the timetable.^[119] The United States officials feared that the Iraqi retaliation against oil-rich Saudi Arabia, since the 1940s a close ally of Washington, for the Saudis' opposition to the invasion of Kuwait.^[119] Accordingly, the United States and a group of allies, including countries as diverse as Egypt, Syria and Czechoslovakia, deployed a massive number of troops along the Saudi border with Kuwait and Iraq in order to encircle the Iraqi army, which was the largest in the Middle East.

Saddam's officers looted Kuwait, stripping even the marble from its palaces to move it to Saddam's own palace.^[119] Saddam ignored the Security Council deadline.^[262] Backed by the Security Council, a U.S-led coalition launched round-the-clock missile and aerial attacks on Iraq, beginning 16 January 1991.^[262] Israel, though subjected to attack by Iraqi missiles, refrained from retaliating in order not to provoke Arab states into leaving the coalition.^[262] A ground force consisting largely of U.S. and British armored and infantry divisions ejected Saddam's army from Kuwait in February 1991 and occupied the southern portion of Iraq as far as the Euphrates.^[262]

On 6 March 1991, Bush announced "What is at stake is more than one small country, it is a big idea—a new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind: peace and security, freedom, and the rule of law."^[263] In the end, the Iraqi army proved unable to compete on the battlefield with the highly mobile coalition land forces and their overpowering air support.^[263] Some 175,000 Iraqis were taken prisoner and casualties were estimated at over 85,000.^[263] As part of the cease-fire agreement, Iraq agreed to scrap all poison gas and germ weapons and allow UN observers to inspect the sites.^[263] UN trade sanctions would remain in effect until Iraq complied with all terms.^[263] Saddam publicly claimed victory at the end of the war.^[263]

Later years: 1990s to 2003

Ayatollah Abu Qasim al-Khoei meeting Saddam after fault riot of al-Dawa political party in 1991.

Iraq's ethnic and religious divisions, together with the brutality of the conflict that this had engendered, laid the groundwork for postwar rebellions.^[264] In the aftermath of the fighting, social and ethnic unrest among Shi'ites, Kurds, Turkmen, and dissident military units threatened the stability of Iraq's government.^[264] Uprisings erupted in the north, south and central parts of Iraq, but were ruthlessly repressed.^[264] It led to the death of 100,000–180,000 people, mostly civilians.^[264] The U.S., which had urged Iraqi people to rise up against Saddam, did nothing to assist the rebellions.^[193]^[264] Despite the widespread Shi'ite rebellions, Iran had no interest in provoking another war, while Turkey opposed any prospect of Kurdish independence, and Saudi Arabia and other conservative Arab states feared an Iran-style Shi'ite revolution.^[193]^[264] Another uprisings by Shias occurred in 1999, when Shia cleric Muhammad al-Sadr was assassinated in Najaf on February 1999.^[265] Al-Sadr demanded governmental reforms and release of political prisoners.^[266] Saddam denied involvement in the assassination and said that hawza dispute was the reason for this and figures like Mohammad Baqir al-Hakim came in light.^[267] However, Shi'as, skeptical of Saddam's narrative, led protests and attacked the government offices.^[268] It ended with mass execution and arrests of protestors.^[269]

Saddam, having survived the immediate crisis in the wake of defeat, was left firmly in control of Iraq, although the country never recovered either economically or militarily from the Gulf War, until a modest recovery recorded in the early 2000s.^[193] He routinely cited his survival as proof that Iraq had in fact won the war against the U.S.^[193] This message earned Saddam a great deal of popularity in many sectors of the Arab world.^[193] John Esposito wrote, "Arabs and Muslims were pulled in two directions. That they rallied not so much to Saddam Hussein as to the bipolar nature of the confrontation (the West versus the Arab Muslim world) and the issues that Saddam proclaimed: Arab unity, self-sufficiency, and social justice."^[193] As a result, Saddam appealed to many people for the same reasons that attracted more and more followers to Islamic revivalism and also for the same reasons that fueled anti-Western feelings.^[193]

One U.S. Muslim observer^[who?] noted: "People forgot about Saddam's record and concentrated on America ... Saddam Hussein might be wrong, but it is not America who should correct him." A significant shift became visible among many Islamic movements in the post war period, "from an initial Islamic ideological rejection of Saddam Hussein, the secular persecutor of Islamic movements, and his invasion of Kuwait to a more populist Arab nationalist, anti-imperialist support for Saddam (or more precisely those issues he represented or championed) and the condemnation of foreign intervention and occupation."^[193]

To gain support from religious Muslims, Saddam started the Faith Campaign in 1993, which was under the supervision of vice president Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri.^[270] Some elements of Sharia law were introduced, and the phrase "Allahu Akbar" ("God is great"), in Saddam's handwriting, was added to the national flag.^[270] Saddam also commissioned the production of a "Blood Qur'an", written using 27 litres of his own blood, to thank God for saving him from various dangers and conspiracies.^[270] Under the campaign, numerous mosques and Islamic institutes were built across Iraq.^[270] It had a huge impact on the society of Iraq, specially around Mosul, that became more tribal and would fuel the rise of ISIS after 2003.^{[citation needed]}

The United Nations-placed sanctions against Iraq for invading Kuwait were not lifted, blocking Iraqi oil exports.^[271] Economic hardship followed within the country as GDP plummeted from US$44.36 billion in 1990 to US$9 billion by 1995.^[272] Iraq had lost around US$170 billion of oil revenues.^[272] Sanctions also restricted basic-medical equipment and supplies from getting into Iraq.^[273]^[272] During the mid-1990s, the UN considered relaxing the sanctions imposed because of the hardships suffered by ordinary Iraqis.^[272] Studies dispute the number of people who died in south and central Iraq during the years of the sanctions.^[274]^[275]^[276]^[277]^[278] On 9 December 1996, Saddam's government accepted the Oil-for-Food Programme that the UN had first offered in 1992.^[272]

Relations with the U.S. remained tense following the war.^[279] The U.S. launched a missile attack aimed at Iraq's intelligence headquarters in Baghdad on 26 June 1993, citing evidence of repeated violations of the "no fly zones" imposed after the war and for incursions into Kuwait.^[279] American officials continued to accuse Saddam of violating the terms of the Gulf War's ceasefire, by developing weapons of mass destruction and other banned weaponry, and violating the UN-imposed sanctions.^[279] Also, Bill Clinton maintained sanctions and ordered air strikes in the "Iraqi no-fly zones", in the hope that Saddam would be overthrown by political enemies inside Iraq.^[279] Western charges of Iraqi resistance to U.N access to suspected weapons were the pretext for crises between 1997 and 1998, culminating in intensive U.S. and British missile strikes on Iraq, 16–19 December 1998.^[279] After two years of intermittent activity, U.S. and British warplanes struck harder at sites near Baghdad in February 2001.^[280] Former CIA case officer Robert Baer reports that he "tried to assassinate" Saddam in 1995,^[279] amid "a decade-long effort to encourage a military coup in Iraq."^[280]

By the end of 1990s, diplomatic isolation of Iraq with Arab states were gradually disappearing, and the economy of Iraq had improved by 2000, with its GDP increasing to $23.73 billion.^[281]^[282] Trade relations began with Russia, Syria, and India. Saddam later decided to use Euro, instead of Dollars for Iraqi oil.^[283] Almost all of Iraq's oil exports under the Oil-for-food program were paid in Euros since 2001.^[283] Approximately 26 billion euros (£17.4bn) was paid for 3.3 billion barrels of oil into an escrow account in New York.^[283] Saddam launched a broad plan to reorganize Baghdad as a cultural center. The city's monuments, streets, urban spaces, mosques, churches and synagogues were restored.

Saddam continued his involvement in politics abroad.^[284] Video tapes retrieved after show his intelligence chiefs meeting with Arab journalists, including a meeting with the former managing director of Al-Jazeera, Mohammed Jassem al-Ali, in 2000.^[284] In the video Saddam's son Uday advised al-Ali about hires in Al-Jazeera: "During your last visit here along with your colleagues we talked about a number of issues, and it does appear that you indeed were listening to what I was saying since changes took place and new faces came on board such as that lad, Mansour."^[284] He was later sacked by Al-Jazeera.^[284]

Saddam called Kurds to negotiate. After the Gulf War, Nechirvan Barzani engaged in several talks with Saddam.

In May 2001, the ruling party held its 12th Regional Congress.^[285] Saddam commenced the congress with a speech advising the more than 300 delegates on how to vote.^[285] After the speech, the elections took place, and Saddam was reelected as party general secretary at the Ba'ath congress in Baghdad, with every delegate in the hall rising to their feet.^[285] The state television reported that 24 candidates stood, and eight new members were elected for positions in the Ba'ath's 18-member executive, known as the Iraqi Regional Command.^[285] The deputy secretary general of the command — Izzat Ibrahim, was re-elected, and according to the constitution, he would become the interim president in the event of Saddam's sudden death.^[285] Saddam's youngest son and heir apparent Qusay was elected for the first time into the Command.^[285] The same situation resembeld in Syria, where Bashar al-Assad succeeded his father Hafez al- Assad as the president of Syria in 2000. A surprise was the election of Huda Saleh Mehdi Ammash, the first woman to win a seat on the party executive.^[285] Saddam had recently encouraged women to play a greater role in Iraq.^[285] Among those who lost their executive seats was the deputy prime minister, Mohammed Hamza al-Zubaidi.^[285]

In 2002, Austrian prosecutors investigated Saddam government's transactions with Fritz Edlinger that possibly violated Austrian money laundering and embargo regulations.^[286] Fritz Edlinger, president of the General Secretary of the Society for Austro-Arab relations (GÖAB) and a former member of Socialist International's Middle East Committee, was an outspoken supporter of Saddam Hussein. In 2005, an Austrian journalist revealed that Fritz Edlinger's GÖAB had received $100,000 from an Iraqi front company as well as donations from Austrian companies soliciting business in Iraq.^[287] In 2002, a resolution sponsored by the European Union was adopted by the Commission for Human Rights, which stated that there had been no improvement in the human rights crisis in Iraq.^[287] The statement condemned Saddam's government for its "systematic, widespread and extremely grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law."^[287] The resolution demanded that Iraq immediately put an end to its "summary and arbitrary executions ... the use of rape as a political tool and all enforced and involuntary disappearances."^[288]^[289]

Post war (!)

Saddam built new city.^[290]

^[291]

Foreign Affairs (1st)

In foreign affairs, Saddam sought to have Iraq play a leading role in the Middle East.^[292]

Arab–Israeli conflict

United States and West

The United States supported Iraq throughout its war against Iran.

Bob Dole met Saddam.^[293]

Europe

Saddam and Serbia entered secret military alliance.^[294]

Weapons and Nuclear Ambitions

Saddam initiated Iraq's nuclear development project in the 1970s, with significant support from France.^[111] France agreed to build a nuclear reactor for Iraq, known as Osirak (renamed Tammuz 1).^[111] It aimed to develop Iraq’s civilian nuclear capabilities, though Israel and Western intelligence agencies feared it could be repurposed for weapons production.^[111] Israeli intelligence agency Mossad launched covert operations to disrupt the project.^[111] One such operation involved the bombing of warehouses owned by CMAM, a French company in La Seyne-sur-Mer that specialized in naval and nuclear components.^[111] Fifteen Mossad agents using false identities reportedly carried out the mission, targeting containers destined for Iraq’s reactor.^[111] Although the damage was quickly repaired, it marked the start of an Israeli campaign by then Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin to prevent Iraq from acquiring nuclear weapons.^[111] Egyptian nuclear scientist Dr. Yahya al-Mashad, who played a leading role in Iraq’s nuclear program, was found murdered in his Paris hotel room.^[111] His assassination is widely attributed to Mossad’s Kidon Unit, which specializes in targeted killings and sabotage. This marked the first confirmed assassination of a scientist involved in Iraq’s WMD efforts. ^[111]

Amid the Iran–Iraq War, Saddam shifted his focus toward chemical weapons as a strategic deterrent.^[111] The Military Industrialization Commission was established to oversee the development and production of WMDs.^[111] Iraq drew on the expertise of Egyptian and other foreign scientists, many of whom had previously worked on Egypt’s chemical programs during the Nasser era.^[111] On June 7, 1981, Israel launched Operation Opera, a preemptive airstrike that destroyed the Osirak reactor. Israel justified the attack on the grounds that Iraq was preparing to produce nuclear weapons.^[111] According to Israeli nuclear advisor Mickey Ron, the mission was executed entirely by the Mossad and Israeli Air Force.^[111] King Khalid pledged financial support to help rebuild Iraq’s bombed nuclear infrastructure.^[111] Naji Salman Salih, the Jewish representative in Saddam's cabinet, said that the reactor was built for peaceful purposes.^[111] Iraq intensified its pursuit of long-range artillery and missile systems, collaborating with Canadian physicist Dr. Gerald Bull, a renowned weapons engineer.^[111] Under Project Babylon, Bull designed a “supergun” capable of firing projectiles over 1,000 kilometers.^[111] He also helped Iraq develop modified Scud missiles and advanced artillery systems like the GHN-45.^[111] Bull was assassinated outside his apartment in Brussels.^[111] Investigative journalists, including Gordon Thomas, attribute the operation to Mossad, allegedly authorized by Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir.^[111]

Disinformation later blamed Iraqi agents for the killing.^[111] Bull’s death led to the collapse of Project Babylon and marked a major setback in Iraq’s strategic weapons programs.^[111] Later Iraq attacked Israel with those 42 scud missiles during the Gulf War in 1991, that caused severe damage to its infrastructure. Despite Israeli sabotage, Iraq continued to pursue nuclear capabilities under the leadership of Iraqi physicist Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar and Huda Salih Mahdi Ammash, achieving notable progress.^[111] Saddam hosted several arms exhibition in Iraq. Western powers, especially the United States, were aware of Iraq’s WMD ambitions but refrained from intervening directly, as they sought to prolong the conflict for regional balance.^[111] The U.S even provided some support to Saddam's nuclear ambitions.^[111] Israel grew increasingly alarmed by Iraq’s growing capabilities.^[111] Mossad expanded its efforts, targeting not only scientists but also the over 300 Western companies—mainly from Germany, France, the U.S., Belgium, and Switzerland—that had supplied Iraq with WMD-related equipment.^[111] Israeli agents also sabotaged reactor components, such as turbines, at the French port of Marseille.^[111] After the end of the Gulf War in 1991, Saddam declared that his leadership has abandoned its nuclear program. This was one of the major reasons for deterioration of relations between the U.S and Iraq and the toppling of Saddam from power by the United States in 2003.^[111]

Nuclear (!)

Saddam launched Iraq's nuclear program in the 1970s.^[111] France built a nuclear reactor for Iraq, known as Osirak (renamed as Tammuz 1), that aimed to develop Iraq's civilian nuclear capabilities.^[111] Though Israel and Western intelligence agencies feared it could be repurposed for weapons production.^[111] The Israeli intelligence agency Mossad launched covert operations to disrupt the project.^[111] One such operation involved the bombing of warehouses owned by CMAM, a French company in La Seyne-sur-Mer that specialized in naval and nuclear components.^[111] Fifteen Mossad agents using false identities reportedly carried out the mission, targeting containers destined for Iraq.^[111] Although the damage was quickly repaired, it marked the start of a campaign by then Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin to prevent Iraq from acquiring nuclear weapons.^[111] Egyptian nuclear scientist Dr. Yahya al-Mashad, who played a leading role in Iraq’s nuclear program, was murdered in Paris.^[111] His assassination is widely attributed to Mossad’s Kidon Unit, which specializes in targeted killings and sabotage.^[111] This marked the first confirmed assassination of a scientist involved in Iraq’s WMD efforts. ^[111]

Amid the Iran–Iraq War, Saddam shifted toward chemical weapons as a strategic deterrent.^[111] The Military Industrialization Commission was established to oversee the development and production.^[111] Iraq drew on the expertise of Egyptian and other foreign scientists, many of whom had previously worked on Egypt’s chemical programs during the Nasser era.^[111] On June 7, 1981, Israel launched Operation Opera, a preemptive airstrike that destroyed the Osirak reactor. Israel justified the attack on the grounds that Iraq was preparing to produce nuclear weapons.^[111] According to Israeli nuclear advisor Mickey Ron, the mission was executed entirely by the Mossad and Israeli Air Force.^[111] According to several reports, Saddam eventually planned to kidnapp Begin and bring him to Baghdad. However, the plan was dropped, after suggestion by a Western politician. King Khalid pledged financial support to help rebuild Iraq’s bombed nuclear infrastructure.^[111] Naji Salman Salih, the Jewish representative in Saddam's cabinet, said that the reactor was built for peaceful purposes.^[111]

Iraq intensified its pursuit of long-range artillery and missile systems, collaborating with Canadian physicist Dr. Gerald Bull, a renowned weapons engineer.^[111] Under Project Babylon, Bull designed a “supergun” capable of firing projectiles over 1,000 kilometers.^[111] He also helped Iraq develop modified Scud missiles and advanced artillery systems like the GHN-45.^[111] Bull was assassinated outside his apartment in Brussels.^[111] Investigative journalists, including Gordon Thomas, attribute the operation to Mossad, allegedly authorized by Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir.^[111] Disinformation later blamed Iraqi agents for the killing.^[111] Bull’s death led to the collapse of Project Babylon and marked a major setback in Iraq’s strategic weapons programs.^[111] Later Iraq attacked Israel with those 42 scud missiles during the Gulf War in 1991, that caused severe damage to its infrastructure.

Despite Israeli sabotage, Iraq continued to pursue nuclear capabilities under the leadership of Iraqi physicist Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar and Huda Salih Mahdi Ammash, achieving notable progress.^[111] Saddam hosted several arms exhibition in Iraq. Western powers, especially the United States, were aware of Iraq’s WMD ambitions but refrained from intervening directly, as they sought to prolong the conflict for regional balance.^[111] The U.S even provided some support to Saddam's nuclear ambitions.^[111] Israel grew increasingly alarmed by Iraq’s growing capabilities.^[111] Mossad expanded its efforts, targeting not only scientists but also the over 300 Western companies—mainly from Germany, France, the U.S., Belgium, and Switzerland—that had supplied Iraq with WMD-related equipment.^[111] Israeli agents also sabotaged reactor components, such as turbines, at the French port of Marseille.^[111] After the end of the Gulf War in 1991, Saddam declared that his leadership has abandoned its nuclear program. This was one of the major reasons for deterioration of relations between the U.S and Iraq and the toppling of Saddam from power by the United States in 2003.^[111]

Weapons and Nuclear Ambitions

Saddam launched Iraq's nuclear development project in the 1970s with the support of France. France built Iraq's first nuclear reactor, Osirak, and renamed it Tammuz 1. On April 6, 1979, the warehouses of the French company CMAM, located in La Seyne-sur-Mer and specialized in naval and nuclear reactor components, were bombed in an operation reportedly conducted by 15 Mossad agents using false identities. The attack targeted containers destined for Iraq's Osirak nuclear reactor. The reactor was destroyed by an Israeli airstrike in 1981 under the pretext that Israel suspected Iraq was planning to begin producing nuclear weapons. According to Israeli nuclear scientist Mickey Ron, who served as a special advisor to Operation New Era, the mission was carried out entirely by Mossad, though the damage was quickly repaired by French authorities. In a separate incident, on June 14, 1980, Egyptian nuclear scientist Yahya al-Mashad, a prominent figure in Iraq’s nuclear program, was found murdered in his hotel room in Paris. Reports attribute his assassination to Mossad’s Kidon Unit, a specialized group focused on targeted killings and sabotage. Al-Mashad’s death was part of a broader campaign to disrupt Iraq’s nuclear development during Saddam Hussein’s presidency.

King Khalid of Saudi Arabia announced that the Saudi government would finance the plant's reconstruction. After the Iran-Iraq War ended, Saddam threatened Israel with the statement, "I have the dual chemical weapon and I am capable of burning half of Israel if it attacks Iraq." Eventually, the Iraqi leadership concluded that developing weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) could serve as an effective means of deterring the threat. Iraq established the Military Industrialization Commission and began producing chemical weapons, drawing on the expertise of Egyptian scientists and some foreign experts who had previously worked on chemical weapons programs during the era of Gamal Abdel Nasser—programs that were later halted by Anwar Sadat.

This development in Iraq’s weapons programs caused serious concern in Israel, which had been closely monitoring Iraq’s armament progress.^[111] The Mossad, Israel’s intelligence agency, launched a campaign against the scientists who had contributed to the development of Iraq’s weapons programs, as well as against the Western companies that had supplied Iraq with the equipment and devices needed—especially companies from Germany, France, the United States, Belgium, and Switzerland, totaling over 300 companies. Mossad also assassinated the Egyptian-American scientist Yahya El-Mashad, who worked on Iraq’s WMD program, and the Belgian scientist Dr. Gerald Bull in Brussels, who was working on Iraq’s supergun project. Israeli intelligence also sabotaged the turbines of the Osirak nuclear reactor in the French port of Marseille, as they were being prepared for shipment to Iraq. Nonetheless, Iraq continued its nuclear ambitions under the supervision of the Iraqi nuclear scientist Jafar Dhia Jafar, who achieved significant progress in this field. This was done with the knowledge and sometimes assistance of the United States and its Western allies, who were keen to keep the war between Iraq and Iran ongoing.

Israel attempted.^[111]

During the late 1980s, Iraq accelerated its pursuit of long-range artillery and missile systems, leading to covert collaboration with Canadian physicist Gerald Bull, a renowned weapons designer. Bull helped Iraq manufacture advanced artillery systems, including the GHN-45, Alpha, and Majnun models, as well as extended-range Scud warheads capable of reaching Israel. Under the codename Project Babylon, Bull engineered plans for a “supergun” capable of firing shells up to 1,000 kilometers. This program attracted global intelligence attention. On March 22, 1990, Bull was assassinated outside his Brussels apartment. According to investigative accounts, including journalist Gordon Thomas, the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad was responsible for the killing, allegedly authorized by Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir. Mossad reportedly spread disinformation attributing the assassination to Iraqi agents. Bull’s assassination marked the collapse of Iraq’s most ambitious weapons program and highlighted the extent to which Iraq's military developments were perceived as strategic threats by Israel, the United States, and the United Kingdom.

United Nations and Sanctions

In 1997, Iraq began selling oil for food and medicine, in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 986. However, this represented only 10 to 40 percent of Iraq's actual oil production. On December 16, 1998, the United States and Britain launched Operation Desert Fox, citing the Iraqi government's refusal to comply with international law and Iraq's expulsion of weapons of mass destruction inspectors. In 1999, Saddam Hussein's regime assassinated Sayyid Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, the leader of the religious seminary in Najaf , sparking the so-called Zero Hour uprising in Baghdad and other provinces to exact revenge on the ruling party.

Oil Diplomacy and OPEC Relations

On 30 September 2000, Venezuela hosted a mediation talk between Iraq and Iran. Both sides reaffirmed their 1975 agreement, which had been in abeyance since 1980.^[295]

Soviet Union and Russia

Throughout his leadership, Saddam visited the Soviet Union on several occasions. Saddam made his first presidential visit to the Soviet Union in 1982 and later in 1985, when the Soviets actively supported Iraq during the Iran–Iraq War, while maintaining relations with Iran. During the Gulf War, the Soviet Union attempted to make peace.^[296]

In 1994, Russia and Iraq worked on a proposal to ease sanctions on Iraq, in return of Baghdad recognizing the sovereignty of Kuwait.^[297] It came as a result of a meeting between the Russian Foreign Minister Andrei Kosyrev and Saddam.^[297] However, the plan was rejected by the U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher Friday, saying that sanctions would only be changed when Saddam will comply with all United Nations resolutions.^[297] In 1995, Hussein Kamel al-Majid, a defector and a son-in-law of Saddam, told the Western intelligence that Saddam was trying to buy 4,000 sophisticated tanks from Russia to rebuild his army.^[298] The sale would boost the quality of Saddam ’s forces in the region.^[298] However, this was denied by the Russian government.^[298] When Saddam intervened in the Iraqi–Kurdish Civil War in the northern Iraq, the U.S asked Russia to use its influence over Iraq to convince Saddam that his forces must withdraw from Kurdish areas in the north.^[299]

In 1997, Russia mediated with Saddam. As a result of mediation, Saddam allowed UN inspectors to their work in Iraq.^[300] Russia condemned the 1998 bombing of Iraq by the U.S and U.K.

Russia was one of the countries that strongly opposed the invasion of Iraq. Before and during the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the Russian government provided intelligence to Saddam about the location of US forces and their plans.^[301] The Russian intelligence passed information to Saddam on U.S plans during the opening days of the war, including a crucial moment before the assault on Baghdad began, according to the report released on Friday.^[302] Russian and Western press reports in March 2003 and afterward also indicated that other GRU officers were working with the Iraqi regime on a daily basis before and during the war, often through Abbas Qunfith, the former Iraqi Ambassador to Moscow, who sent numerous reports to Iraqi leaders citing GRU and diplomatic sources.

Relations with the Arab world

Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and other Sunni-led Arab states provided support to Saddam during the Iran–Iraq War.^[303] During the war, Saddam made numerous trips to Saudi Arabia. In 1980, h

He his presidential visit In 1982, he reached big agreements with Saudi Arabia on expansion of military cooperation. In the final years of the war, Saudi Arabia played the role of a mediator between Baghdad and Washington.

In the final years of the war, Saudi Arabia played role of a mediator between Saddam and the Washington government. In 1982, Saddam and the Saudi government reached big agreements on expansion of military cooperation against Iran.^[304] During Saddam's rule, many Jordanian students studied at Iraqi universities, thanks to scholarships provided by Iraq.

Iraq's relations with Libya deteriorated, as Muammar Gaddafi supported Iran during the war, by supplying weapons to Iran and allegedly assassinating Musa al-Sadr in 1978, who was considered opponent by Ayatollah Khomeini.^[305] Gaddafi also supported Kurdish separatist movements in Iraq, hosted Kurdish leader Jalal Talabani, and harassed the members of the Ba'ath Party in Libya, that led to the killing of Amer al-Daghis, a senior member in the party.^[305] In response, Saddam supported the Chadian President Hissène Habré during his war against Gaffafi, supplying him with advanced weapons that enabled his forces to withstand the Libyan army.^[305] In 1987, Gaddafi declared that supplying Iran with missiles was a huge mistake, which led to an improvement in relations between the two countries.^[305] Saddam agreed to receive Libyan Foreign Minister Jadallah al-Talhi and discuss with him how to end the war, a move Tehran did not respond to until mid-1988.^[305] Gaddafi attended the Arab League summit in Baghdad in 1990.^[305] Relations improved greatly to an extent that Gaddafi supported Saddam during the 2003 war.^[305]

Shortly before the outbreak of the Iraq War, Saddam received an offer from Gaddafi to leave Iraq for Libya, where he would live as Gaddafi's guest. However, Saddam refused, according to testimony from Nouri al-Mismari, the Libyan director of presidential protocol.

On a hot summer day in 1986, Saddam convened a meeting of the National Command in Baghdad, at which he proposed a major shift in Iraq's foreign policy.^[306] Saddam's proposal was to conclude a reconciliation amounting to a secret alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan and Egypt, at a time when Iraq was waging a fierce existential war against the Islamist Khomeini regime.^[306] Saddam sought the National Command's approval to recognize the Sudanese and Egyptian Brotherhood groups and treat them as equals.^[306] This would lead to the Ba'ath recognizing, or at least tolerating, the Muslim Brotherhood's idea of the necessity of establishing an Islamic state, which Saddam later did.^[306]

Economic cooperation with Morocco.^[307]

On September 7, 2002, Saddam apologized for invading Kuwait, but he blamed its leaders and called on the Kuwaiti people to confront the American forces present on their soil. Kuwait rejected his apology the day after his speech, as ministers in the Kuwaiti government accused Saddam of trying to sow discord between the Kuwaiti people and their leaders.

Amr Moussa^[308]

Conflict with Syria

During Saddam's rule, Iraq and Syria were in conflict, despite both being ruled by Ba'athists.^[309] Syria’s population is predominantly Sunni and Iraq’s is largely Shia Muslim, the power structures in both countries were dominated by minorities—Alawites in Syria and Sunnis in Iraq.^[310] Toward the end of 1978, efforts were made to ease tensions between Syria and Iraq, especially after the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel.^[311] Presidents Hafez al-Assad of Syria and Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr signed the Joint National Action Charter.^[311] This agreement aimed to mend ties, create a joint military force, and lay the groundwork for eventual political unification and party integration.^[311] But the initiative fell apart in June 1979 when al-Bakr stepped down and Saddam took over.^[311] Shortly after assuming power, Saddam declared he had uncovered a coup plot involving senior Baath Party figures, allegedly backed by Syria.^[311] Those involved were arrested, tried in military courts, and 17–22 were executed.^[311] The purge widened, targeting around 450 military officers.^[311] Tensions increased between Ba'ath Party founder Michel Aflaq and the Syrian government.^[311] It sentenced Aflaq to death in absentia.^[311] Aflaq later fled to Iraq and lived in Baghdad under the protection of Saddam, while refrained from participating in politics.^[312]

Relations took a sharp downturn when Syria backed Iran during the Iran-Iraq War.^[311] Saddam supported the Islamist uprising in Syria against Hafez.^[311] After it was repressed in the 1982 Hama massacre, Saddam supported the National Alliance for the Liberation of Syria.^[313]^[314] Syria also supported Kurdish rebellion against Saddam.^[311] The two countries cut diplomatic ties, closed their border, and exchanged accusations—Baghdad claimed Syria was smuggling arms through its embassy, while Damascus accused Iraq of supporting the banned Muslim Brotherhood.^[311] Tensions deepened further after Syria joined the coalition forces against Iraq during the Gulf War in 1991.^[311] However, relations slowly began to thaw under the pressure of global sanctions on Iraq.^[311] In 1997, Hafez began improving relations with Saddam.^[311] The two sides signed an economic cooperation deal during this period.^[311] A turning point came after Hafez's death and Bashar al-Assad’s rise to power in July 2000.^[311] Saddam sent Taha Muhie-eldin Marouf from the Iraqi side to attend the funeral of Hafez.^[311] Just a year later, Syrian Prime Minister Mustafa Miro visited Iraq in August 2001, marking the highest-level visit in nearly two decades, with a focus on strengthening economic ties.^[311] Syria opposed the invasion of Iraq.^[311] Later, Syria provided sanctuary to many of Saddam's family members, relatives and former government officials, after the Ba'ath Party fell from power in Iraq.^[311]

nn

In contrast, after the Second Gulf War, Saddam maintained good and balanced relations with some Arab and foreign rulers, such as King Hussein bin Talal and President Ali Abdullah Saleh , who, along with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, established an Arab alliance, the Arab Cooperation Council, in 1989, but it only lasted for a few months. He also had close relations with Colonel Muammar Gaddafi , President Yasser Arafat, and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez , who visited Baghdad in 2002, becoming the first leader to defy the no-fly zone imposed on Iraq since the early 1990s, and other Third World leaders.

Foreign Affairs

In foreign affairs, Saddam sought to have Iraq play a leading role in the Middle East.^[292] Saddam rarely left Iraq and had Tariq Aziz, one of his deputies, travel abroad extensively and represent Iraq at many diplomatic meetings.^[292] Despite this, Saddam made numerous foreign visits. Most of the visits to western countries he made, when he was the vice president of Iraq.

Saddam enjoyed a close relationship with Russian intelligence agent Yevgeny Primakov that dated back to the 1960s; Primakov may have helped Saddam to stay in power in 1991.^[315] Saddam visited the Soviet Union several times. In July 2001, Russian president Vladimir Putin sent a message to Saddam, seeking to improve diplomatic relations between Iraq and Russia.^[316] Saddam also opposed Chechen separatism in Russia.^[317]

Saddam had friendly relations with Jacques Chirac. Several Iraqi leaders, Lebanese arms merchant Sarkis Soghanalian and others have claimed that Saddam financed Chirac's party.^[129] After France participated in the Gulf War against Iraq, Saddam threatened to expose those who had taken largesse from him: "From Mr. Chirac to Mr. Chevènement, politicians and economic leaders were in open competition to spend time with us and flatter us. We have now grasped the reality of the situation. If the trickery continues, we will be forced to unmask them, all of them, before the French public."^[129] France armed Saddam and it was Iraq's largest trade partner throughout Saddam's rule.^[129] Seized documents show how French officials and businessmen close to Chirac, including Charles Pasqua, his former interior minister, personally benefited from the deals with Saddam.^[129] Later, France opposed the invasion of Iraq by the United States, which would topple Saddam.^[129]

Iraq's relations with the Arab world have been extremely varied. Egypt's strong material and diplomatic support for Iraq in the war with Iran led to warmer relations and numerous contacts between senior officials, despite the continued absence of ambassadorial-level representation. Since 1983, Iraq has repeatedly called for restoration of Egypt's "natural role" among Arab countries. Iraq was part of the Arab Cooperation Council, that included Jordan, North Yemen and Egypt. However, it was dissolved after the Gulf War. Saddam supported the Democratic Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Arabistan in Iran.^[318]

Arab–Israeli conflict

Saddam was widely known for his pro-Palestinian and anti-Israel stance.^[319] He appeared on television threatening to burn and destroy Israel.^[319] However, Saddam's official position was that the relations of Iraq with Israel will be determined by the solution accepted by Palestinians.^[319] Relations between Iraq and Egypt deteriorated in 1977, as a result of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat's peace initiatives with Israel.^[319] Relations improved after Egypt supported Iraq in the 1980–1988 war.^[319] الرئيس الراحل صدام حسين والمناضل والسياسي الفلسطيني الراحل محمد حسن ملحم

Saddam supported several Palestinian guerrilla movements.^[320] He provided financial support to Palestinians.^[320] Iraq hosted numerous Palestinians as refugees and were given full rights as an Iraqi citizen, unlike the situation of Palestinians in other countries.^[320] Saddam had support of Yasser Arafat and had close relations with other Palestinian political leaders such as Muhammad Hassan Abd al-Rahman Melhem, and invited many to Iraq.^[320] According to reports by The Observer, Saddam held secret negotiations with the Israel government.^[321] In May 2000, Saddam and his representatives had secret meetings with the Israeli government.^[322] He offered that Iraq will end its anti–Israel foreign policy, if Israel will resolve Palestinian refugees issue in Lebanon.^[322] However, later this was denied by the government.^[323]

Following the outbreak of the Second Intifada in the Palestinian territories, Saddam openly expressed solidarity with the Palestinians, and established the Jerusalem Army, a volunteer force in solidarity with the Palestinians.^[324]^[325]^[326] Saddam also provided financial assistance from Iraq's oil revenue, to the families of the Palestinian victims and militants.^[327] Around 20% of Iraq's oil revenue, by the oil-for-food program was for donating to the Palestinians.^[327]^[328] Contrary to the claims of the United States and the Israelis, not all the money was sent to support suicide bombing.^[328] On the eve of Christmas in 2000, Saddam wrote a public letter, calling for Muslims and Christians of Iraq, to lead jihad against the Zionist movement.^[329] In 2001, Saddam declared on the state Iraqi television:^[330]

Palestine is Arab and must be liberated from the river to the sea and all the Zionists who emigrated to the land of Palestine must leave.

— Saddam Hussein

In 2002, following an Israeli offensive into Palestinian territory, Saddam stopped supplying oil to Western countries in order to force Israel to abandon its offensive, a move supported by Iran and Libya.^[331]

Iran

United States

The United States

Syria

Since 1979, Iraq and Syria have been in conflict, despite both being ruled by Ba'athist regimes. Relations worsened after Saddam Hussein purged rivals within the Iraqi Ba'ath Party, accusing them of collaborating with Syrian President Hafez al-Assad. While Syria’s population is predominantly Sunni Muslim and Iraq’s is largely Shia Muslim, the power structures in both countries were dominated by minorities—Alawites in Syria and Sunnis in Iraq. The Iran–Iraq War, driven in part by sectarian divisions, further inflamed tensions between Shia and Sunni communities across the Arab world.

Toward the end of 1978, efforts were made to ease tensions between Syria and Iraq, especially after Egypt signed the Camp David Accords with Israel. Presidents Hafez al-Assad of Syria and Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr of Iraq signed the Joint National Action Charter. This agreement aimed to mend ties, create a joint military force, and lay the groundwork for eventual political unification and party integration. But the initiative fell apart in June 1979 when al-Bakr stepped down and Saddam took over. Shortly after assuming power, Saddam declared he had uncovered a coup plot involving senior Baath Party figures, allegedly backed by Syria. Those involved were arrested, tried in military courts, and 17 were executed. The purge widened, targeting around 450 military officers. This turn began deteriorating relations between Iraq and Syria.

Formal relations were established between the Syrian government and KDP in 1979. Syria supported Kurdish rebellion against Saddam. Relations took a sharp downturn when Syria backed Iran during the Iran-Iraq War, which began in 1980 and dragged on for eight years. On other hands, Saddam supported the Islamist uprising in Syria against Hafez. After it was crushed in the 1982 Hama massacre, a new coalition was formed and Saddam supported the National Alliance for the Liberation of Syria.^[313] The coalition consisted mainly of Islamist and communist groups. Though it was boycotted by many several Syrian Islamist oppositionists as well.^[314]

The two countries cut diplomatic ties, closed their border, and exchanged accusations—Baghdad claimed Syria was smuggling arms through its embassy, while Damascus accused Iraq of supporting the banned Muslim Brotherhood. Tensions deepened further after Syria joined the coalition forces against Iraq during the Gulf War in 1991. However, relations slowly began to thaw under the pressure of international sanctions on Iraq. In 1997, Hafez began improving relations with Saddam. The two sides signed an economic cooperation deal during this period. Saddam sent to attend the funeral of Hafez in 2000. A turning point came after Hafez al-Assad's death and Bashar al-Assad’s rise to power in July 2000. Just a year later, Syrian Prime Minister Mustafa Miro visited Iraq in August 2001, marking the highest-level visit in nearly two decades, with a focus on strengthening economic ties. Later, Syria provided sanctuary for many of Saddam's family members, relatives and former government officials, after the Ba'ath Party fell from power in Iraq.

2003 invasion and war

Background

Many members of the international community, especially the U.S, continued to view Saddam as a bellicose tyrant who was a threat to the stability of the region.^[332]^[333] In his state of the union address to the Congress on 29 January 2002, President George W. Bush spoke of an "axis of evil" consisting of Iran, North Korea, and Iraq.^[332] Moreover, Bush announced that he would possibly take action to topple the Iraqi government, because of the threat of its weapons of mass destruction.^[333] Bush stated that "The Iraqi regime has plotted to develop anthrax, and nerve gas, and nuclear weapons for over a decade ... Iraq continues to flaunt its hostility toward America and to support terror."^[332]

After the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1441, which demanded that Iraq give "immediate, unconditional and active cooperation" with UN and IAEA inspections,^[334] Saddam allowed U.N. weapons inspectors led by Hans Blix to return to Iraq.^[334] During the renewed inspections beginning in November 2002, Blix found no stockpiles of WMD and noted the "proactive" but not always "immediate" Iraqi cooperation as called for by Resolution 1441.^[335]

With war still looming on 24 February 2003, Saddam took part in an interview with CBS News reporter Dan Rather.^[336] Talking for more than three hours, he denied possessing any weapons of mass destruction, or any other weapons prohibited by the UN guidelines.^[336] He also expressed a wish to have a live televised debate with George W. Bush, which was declined.^[336]^[256] It was his first interview with an American reporter in over a decade.^[336]^[256] CBS aired the taped interview later that week.^[337] Saddam later told an FBI interviewer that he once left open the possibility that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction in order to appear strong against Iran.^[337]^[256]

Invasion and overthrow

The United States-led coalition forces launched invasion of Iraq on 20 March 2003.^[338] The Iraqi government and military collapsed within three weeks of the beginning of the invasion.^[338] By the beginning of April, the coalition forces occupied much of Iraq.^[338] The resistance of the much-weakened Iraqi Armed Forces either crumbled or shifted to guerrilla tactics, and it appeared that Saddam had lost control of Iraq.^[338] He was last seen in a video which purported to show him in the Baghdad suburbs surrounded by supporters.^[338] When Baghdad fell to US-led forces on 9 April, marked symbolically by the toppling of his statue,^[339] Saddam was nowhere to be found and his government was completely overthrown.^[338]

Capture and interrogation

In April 2003, Saddam's whereabouts remained in question during the weeks following the fall of Baghdad and the conclusion of the major fighting of the war.^[338] Various sightings of Saddam were reported in the weeks following the war, but none were authenticated.^[338] At various times he released audio tapes promoting popular resistance to his ousting.^[338] On 22 July 2003, his sons Uday and Qusay and 14-year-old grandson Mustafa were killed in a three-hour gunfight with the U.S. forces in Mosul.^[340]^[341]^[342] Upon their deaths, he commemorated them as "martyrs" on radio.^[338] Saddam was placed at the top of the US list of most-wanted Iraqis, which included officials of his government and the party members.^[338]

On 13 December 2003, in Operation Red Dawn, Saddam was captured by American forces after being found hiding in a hole in the ground near a farmhouse in ad-Dawr, near Tikrit.^[338] Following his capture, Saddam was transported to a US base near Tikrit, and later taken to the American base near Baghdad Airport.^[338]^[343] Documents obtained and released by the National Security Archive detail FBI interviews and conversations with Saddam while he was in US custody.^[343] On 14 December, US administrator in Iraq Paul Bremer confirmed that Saddam had indeed been captured at a farmhouse in ad-Dawr near Tikrit.^[344] Bremer presented video footage of Saddam in custody.^[344] He was shown with a full beard and hair longer than his familiar appearance.^[344] He was described by US officials as being in good health.^[344] Bremer reported plans to put Saddam on trial, but claimed that the details of such a trial had not yet been determined.^[344] Iraqis and Americans who spoke with Saddam after his capture generally reported that he remained self-assured, describing himself as a "firm, but just leader."^[345]

British tabloid newspaper The Sun posted a picture of Saddam wearing white briefs on the front cover of a newspaper. Other photographs inside the paper show Saddam washing his trousers, shuffling, and sleeping. The U.S. government stated that it considered the release of the pictures a violation of the Geneva Convention and that it would investigate the photographs.^[346]^[347] During this period Saddam was interrogated by FBI agent George Piro.^[348]

The guards at the Baghdad detention facility called their prisoner "Vic", which stands for "Very Important Criminal" and let him plant a small garden near his cell.^[349] The nickname and the garden are among the details about the former Iraqi leader that emerged during a March 2008 tour of the Baghdad prison and cell where Saddam slept, bathed, kept a journal, and wrote poetry in the final days before his execution; he was concerned to ensure his legacy and how the history would be told.^[349] The tour was conducted by US Marine Maj. Gen. Doug Stone, overseer of detention operations for the US military in Iraq at the time.^[349] During his imprisonment he exercised and was allowed to have his personal garden; he also smoked his cigars and wrote his diary in the courtyard of his cell.^[349]

Trial

On 30 June 2004, Saddam, held in custody by US forces at the US base "Camp Cropper", along with 11 other senior Ba'athist leaders, was handed over to the interim Iraqi government to stand trial for crimes against humanity and other offences.

A few weeks later, he was charged by the Iraqi Special Tribunal with crimes committed against residents of Dujail in 1982, following a failed assassination attempt against him. Specific charges included the murder of 148 people, torture of women and children and the illegal arrest of 399 others.^[350]^[351] Numerous challenges came during his trial. Saddam and his lawyers contested the court's authority and maintained that he was still the President of Iraq.^[352] There were assassinations and attempted assassinations of several of Saddam's lawyers.^[352] The replacement of the chief presiding judge midway through the trial had impact on the trial.^[352]

On 5 November 2006, Saddam was found guilty of crimes against humanity — the killing of 148 Shia residents in the town of Dujail in 1982, and was sentenced to death by hanging.^[353] His half-brother, Barzan Ibrahim, and Awad Hamed al-Bandar, head of Iraq's Revolutionary Court in 1982, were convicted of similar charges. The verdict and sentencing were both appealed, but subsequently affirmed by Iraq's Supreme Court of Appeals.^[353]

Execution

Saddam was executed by hanging on the first day of Eid ul-Adha, 30 December 2006,^[354] despite his wish to be executed by firing squad (which he argued was the lawful military capital punishment, citing his military position as the commander-in-chief of the Iraqi military).^[355] The execution was carried out at Camp Justice, an Iraqi army base in Kadhimiya, a neighborhood of northeast Baghdad.

Saudi Arabia condemned Iraqi authorities for carrying out the execution on a holy day.^[356] A presenter from the Al-Ikhbariya television station officially stated: "There is a feeling of surprise and disapproval that the verdict has been applied during the holy months and the first days of Eid al-Adha. Leaders of Islamic countries should show respect for this blessed occasion ... not demean it."^[356]

Video of the execution was recorded on a mobile phone and his captors could be heard insulting Saddam.^[357] The video was leaked to electronic media and posted on the Internet within hours, becoming the subject of global controversy.^[357] It was later claimed by the head guard at the tomb where his remains lay that Saddam's body had been stabbed six times after the execution.^[358] Saddam's demeanor while being led to the gallows has been discussed by two witnesses, Iraqi Judge Munir Haddad and Iraqi national security adviser Mowaffak al-Rubaie.^[359] The accounts of the two witnesses are contradictory as Haddad describes Saddam as being strong in his final moments whereas al-Rubaie says Saddam was clearly afraid, but the common view is not of the latter.^[359] Not long before the execution, Saddam's lawyers released his last letter.^[360]

Saddam spoke his last words during the execution, "May God's blessings be upon Muhammad and his household. And may God hasten their appearance and curse their enemies."^[361] Then one of the crowd repeatedly said the name of the Iraqi Shiite cleric Moqtada Al-Sadr.^[361] Saddam laughed and later said, "Do you consider this manhood?"^[361] The crowd shouted, "go to Hell." Saddam replied, "To the hell that is Iraq!?"^[361] Again, one of the crowd asked those who shouted to keep quiet for God.^[361] Saddam started recitation of final Muslim prayers, "I bear witness that there is no god but Allah and I testify that Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah." One of the crowd shouted, "The tyrant [dictator] has collapsed!" Saddam said, "May God's blessings be upon Muhammad and his household (family)".^[361] He recited the shahada one and a half times, as while he was about to say 'Muhammad' on the second shahada, the trapdoor opened, cutting him off mid-sentence. The rope broke his neck, killing him instantly.^[361] A second unofficial video, apparently showing Saddam's body on a trolley, emerged several days later. It sparked speculation that the execution was carried out incorrectly as Saddam had a gaping hole in his neck.^[362]

Saddam was buried at his birthplace of Al-Awja in Tikrit, Iraq, on 31 December 2006. He was buried 3 km (2 mi) from his sons Uday and Qusay Hussein.^[363] His tomb was reported to have been destroyed in March 2015.^[364] Before it was destroyed, a Sunni tribal group reportedly removed his body to a secret location, fearful of what might happen.^[365]

Personal life and family

Saddam married his first wife and cousin Sajida Talfah (or Tulfah/Tilfah) in 1963 in an arranged marriage. Sajida is the daughter of Khairallah Talfah, Saddam's uncle and mentor; the two were raised as brother and sister. Their marriage was arranged for Saddam at age five when Sajida was seven. They became engaged in Egypt during his exile, and married in Iraq after Saddam's 1963 return.^[366] The couple had five children.
- Uday Hussein (1964–2003), who was Saddam's oldest son, who ran the Iraqi Football Association, Fedayeen Saddam, and several media corporations in Iraq including Iraqi TV and the newspaper Babel. Uday, while originally Saddam's favorite son and likely successor, eventually fell out of favor with his father due to his erratic behavior; he was responsible for many car crashes and rapes around Baghdad, constant feuds with other members of his family, and killing his father's favorite valet and food taster Kamel Hana Gegeo at a party in Egypt honoring Egyptian first lady Suzanne Mubarak. He became well known in the west for his involvement in looting Kuwait during the Gulf War, allegedly taking millions of dollars worth of gold, cars, and medical supplies (which were in short supply at the time) for himself and close supporters. He was widely known for his paranoia and his obsession with torturing people who disappointed him in any way, which included tardy girlfriends, friends who disagreed with him and, most notoriously, Iraqi athletes who performed poorly. He was briefly married to Izzat Ibrahim ad-Douri's daughter, but later divorced her. The couple had no children.
- Qusay Hussein (1966–2003), who was Saddam's second—and, after the mid-1990s, his favorite—son. Qusay was believed to have been Saddam's later intended successor, as he was less erratic than his older brother and kept a low profile. He was second in command of the military (behind his father) and ran the elite Iraqi Republican Guard and the SSO. He was believed to have ordered the army to kill thousands of rebelling Marsh Arabs and was instrumental in suppressing Shi'ite rebellions in the mid-1990s. He was married once and had three children.
- Raghad Hussein (1968), who is Saddam's oldest daughter. After the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Raghad fled to Amman, Jordan where she received sanctuary from the royal family. She is currently wanted by the Iraqi Government for allegedly financing and supporting the insurgency of the now banned Iraqi Ba'ath Party.^[367]^[368] The Jordanian royal family refused to hand her over. She was married to Hussein Kamel al-Majid and has had five children from this marriage.
- Rana Hussein (1969), who is Saddam's second daughter. She, like her sister, fled to Jordan and has stood up for her father's rights. She was married to Saddam Kamel and has had four children from this marriage.
- Hala Hussein (1972), who is Saddam's third and youngest daughter. Very little information is known about her. Her father arranged for her to marry General Kamal Mustafa Abdallah Sultan al-Tikriti in 1998. She fled with her children and sisters to Jordan. In June 2021, an Iraqi court ordered the release of her husband after 18 years in prison.^[369]
Saddam met his second wife, Samira Shahbandar, in 1979 and married her in 1986. She was originally the wife of an Iraqi Airways executive, but later became the mistress of Saddam. Eventually, Saddam forced Samira's husband to divorce her so he could marry her. After the war, Samira fled to Beirut, Lebanon.
- Ali Saddam Hussein (c. 1981), who is believed to be Saddam's youngest child. He is listed on United States' Treasury sanctions list.^[370]^[371]^[372]^[373] Not very much is known about him other than the fact that his mother is Samira Shahbandar. His existence was repeatedly denied by Saddam's family.^[374]

Saddam had allegedly married a third wife, Nidal al-Hamdani, the general manager of the Solar Energy Research Center in the Council of Scientific Research.^[375]
Wafa Mullah Huwaysh is rumored to have married Saddam as his fourth wife in 2002. There is no firm evidence for this marriage. Wafa is the daughter of Abd al-Tawab Mullah Huwaysh, a former minister of military industry in Iraq and Saddam's last deputy Prime Minister.

In August 1995, Raghad and her husband, Hussein Kamel al-Majid, and Rana and her husband, Saddam Kamel al-Majid, defected to Jordan, taking their children with them. They returned to Iraq when they received assurances that Saddam would pardon them. Within three days of their return in February 1996, both of the Kamel brothers were attacked and killed in a gunfight with other clan members who considered them traitors.

In August 2003, Saddam's daughters Raghad and Rana received sanctuary in Jordan.^[376] That month, they spoke with CNN and the Arab satellite station Al-Arabiya in Amman.^[376] When asked about her father, Raghad told CNN, "He was a very good father, loving, has a big heart." Asked if she wanted to give a message to her father, she said: "I love you and I miss you."^[376] Her sister Rana also remarked, "He had so many feelings and he was very tender with all of us."^[376]

Saddam developed a reputation for liking expensive goods, such as his diamond-coated Rolex wristwatch, and sent copies of them to his friends around the world.

On 28 April 2001, Saddam celebrated his birthday, in form of a mega event.^[377]

Saddam spoked English well.^[378]

Philanthropy

In 1979, Jacob Yasso of Sacred Heart Chaldean Church in Detroit, Michigan congratulated Saddam Hussein on his presidency. In return, Yasso said that Saddam Hussein donated US$250,000 to his church, which is made up of at least 1,200 families of Middle Eastern descent. In 1980, Detroit Mayor Coleman Young allowed Yasso to present the key to the city of Detroit to Saddam Hussein. At the time, Saddam then asked Yasso, "I heard there was a debt on your church. How much is it?" After the inquiry, Saddam then donated another $200,000 to Chaldean Sacred Heart Church. Yasso said that Saddam made donations to Chaldean churches all over the world, and even went on record as saying "He's very kind to Christians."^[379]^[380] Saddam helped in the restoration of Meir Taweig Synagogue and construction a new cemetery for Jews in Baghdad.^[381]

Honors and awards

In 1991, the Iraqi government awarded Saddam the Rafidain medal, also known as Order of the Two Rivers, the country's highest honor, as a recognition of his "historic role" and "noble services to Iraq".^[382]^[383] This announcement was made following a Cabinet meeting, and Information Minister Hamid Youssef Hummadi stated that the decision was unanimous.^[382]^[383] The award was bestowed on Saddam, during his 54th birthday, in appreciation of his exceptional contributions and significant impact on Iraq.^[382]

He was honored by titles such as "Field Marshal" and "Comrade". Saddam Hussein is one of the recipients of the Key to the City.^[379]^[384] In 1980, Saddam Hussein was awarded a key to the city of Detroit after he donated almost half a million dollars to a church in the city.^[385] The government led by Saddam successfully turned Iraq into a leading hub for healthcare and education.^[386] This improved quality of life in Iraq.^[387] For improving quality of life of Iraqis, Saddam was honored by an award from UNESCO.^[388]

Saddam received a number of medals, which were displayed at a museum in Johannesburg, South Africa.^[389] He received the Order of Merit (Wisam al-Jadara), which is rare and was awarded to only a few Iraqi rulers.^[390] Order of the Mother of Battles was awarded to Saddam Hussein for his role in the 1991 Gulf War against Kuwait and the United States.^[391] Saddam received medals for the 1948–49 Palestinian War, crushing the Kurdish rebellion, the 1963 and 1968 revolutions, cooperation with Syria, peace in 1970, and the 1973 war with Israel.^[392]

Political and cultural image

Stamped brick at the ancient city of Babylon bearing the name of Saddam Hussein

Saddam's palace near the ruins of the North Palace of Nebuchadnezzar II at Babylon

The political ideas and politics pursued by Saddam became known as Saddamism ("Saddamiyyat").^[393] This doctrine was officially endorsed by his government and promoted by the Iraqi daily newspaper Babil owned by his son Uday Hussein.^[393]

During his leadership, Saddam promoted the idea of dual nationalism which combines Iraqi nationalism and Arab nationalism, a much broader form of ethnic nationalism which supports Iraqi nationalism and links it to matters that impact Arabs as a whole.^[394] Saddam believed that the recognition of the ancient Mesopotamian origins and heritage of Iraqi Arabs was complementary to supporting Arab nationalism.^[394] In the course of his reign, the government officially included the historic Muslim leader Saladin as a patriotic symbol in Iraq, while Saddam called himself son of the Babylonian King Nebuchadnezzar and had stamped the bricks of ancient Babylon with his name and titles next to him.^[395]^[396] During the Gulf War, Saddam claimed the historic roles of Nebuchadnezzar, Saladin and Gamal Abdel Nasser.^[193]

Saddam's Bedouin tribal nature often carried a sense of nobility, reflected in certain aspects of his character and behavior.^[397] A notable example occurred upon the death of Ayatollah Khomeini, his long-time adversary.^[397] Addressing his cabinet after receiving the news, Saddam said:^[397]

The news came today that Ayatollah Khomeini died. And I have now instructed all the Arab media outlets not to show any gloating and to just say, Khomeini, may God have mercy on his soul. Because when he was alive, he was our enemy and we can do whatever we want. We can insult him, we can write all attack pieces on him, but when he is dead, it's our manners and our culture and our traditions that if someone is dead, that's it. You don't talk ill of the dead. So, he now went to a higher authority and he will have to answer for everything he did, but for us, we don't gloat.

He also conducted two show elections, in 1995 and 2002. In the 1995 referendum, conducted on 15 October, he reportedly received 99.96% of the votes in a 99.47% turnout, getting 3,052 negative votes among an electorate of 8.4 million.^[398]^[399] In the 15 October 2002 referendum he officially achieved 100% of approval votes and 100% turnout, as the electoral commission reported the next day that every one of the 11,445,638 eligible voters cast a "Yes" vote for the president.^[400]

He erected statues around the country, which Iraqis toppled after his fall.^[401]^[402]

Reception and legacy

Many Arabs praise Saddam as a true leader who stood up to Western imperialism, Israeli occupation of Palestine, and foreign intervention in the region, while many Iraqis, especially Shias and Kurds, view him negatively as a dictator responsible for brutal authoritarianism, repression and injustices.^[403]

Supporters noted that under Saddam, the government invested heavily in infrastructure projects, such as roads, bridges, and public buildings.^[404]^[405] This development contributed to the modernization of Iraq's cities and improved the country's overall infrastructure.^[406] Under Saddam's regime, there was an emphasis on improving access to education and healthcare.^[406]^[407]^[408] The government invested in building schools and hospitals, and literacy rates in Iraq increased significantly during his rule.^[409]^[410]^[411] He implemented policies aimed at advancing women's rights in Iraq.^[412] Women were encouraged to participate in education and the workforce, and many held high-ranking positions in government and public institutions.^[413]^[414]^[415] For his policies, Saddam is remembered well among Iraqi women.^[416]^[417] Saddam's regime had a secular character, which meant that religion did not play a dominant role in the government's policies.^[415] This allowed for a degree of religious diversity and tolerance within Iraq. Still today, many Iraqi Jews respect Saddam, for his fair treatment of Jews.^[415] This was also seen for the Iraqi Mandaeans, with many Iraqi Mandaeans holding strong-respect for Saddam's protection of the Mandaeans; Saddam even constructed temples for the Mandaean people.^[418]^[419]^[420] Saddam's regime later placed greater emphasis on Islam in all sectors of Iraqi life from 1993 through the Faith Campaign.^[415] In 1977, Saddam stated "our Party does not take a neutral stance between faith and atheism; it is always on the side of faith."^[421]

By contrast, critics have condemned Saddam as a repressive totalitarian leader.^[140]^[422]^[423] His regime was notorious for its repressive tactics, including widespread surveillance, torture, and extrajudicial killings.^[424]^[425] Human rights organizations documented numerous cases of human rights abuses committed by his government.^[426] Saddam's regime suppressed political dissent and opposition through a combination of violence, intimidation, and censorship.^[425] Freedom of speech and freedom of the press were severely curtailed, and political opponents were often executed or imprisoned.^[427] He initiated three military conflicts, including the Iran-Iraq War, Invasion of Kuwait and the Gulf War.^[428] These actions resulted in significant loss of life and destabilized the region.^[429] While there were economic development initiatives, Saddam's regime was also marked by mismanagement and widespread corruption, particularly during the final years of his regime.^[430] The economic sanctions imposed on Iraq during his rule further exacerbated hardships for the country's population.^[431] Saddamism has been described by critics as a mix of "Sunni Arab nationalism, confused Stalinism, and fascist zeal for the fatherland and its leader".^[432]

In the Arab world, Saddam is well-regarded, especially for his support of the Palestinian cause.^[433] A memorial dedicated to Saddam was built in Qalqilya, Palestine.^[434]^[435]^[436] Additionally, many portraits and other forms of memorials are found throughout Palestine.^[437]^[438] In July 2016, then US presidential candidate Donald Trump praised Saddam for militant suppression and stability during his presidency in Iraq.^[439] Libyan politician and commander of the Libyan National Arab Army, Khalifa Haftar, named his son Saddam Haftar after Saddam Hussein.^[440]^[441]^[442]

Cultural depictions of Saddam can be found in various movies, including three documentary movies made on Saddam. Saddam's Tribe, released in 2007, explores the complex relationship between Saddam Hussein and the Al-Bu Nasir, a powerful tribal group in Iraq to which Saddam belongs. In 2008, a TV series based on his life — House of Saddam was released. Irish actor Barry Keoghan will appear in a new movie about Saddam which was announced in 2024.^[443]

ead

Saddam Hussein^[e] (28 April 1937 – 30 December 2006) was an Iraqi politician and revolutionary who served as the fifth president of Iraq from 1979 until his overthrow in 2003. He previously served as the vice president of Iraq from 1968 to 1979 and was also the prime minister in two terms; 1979 to 1991 and later from 1994 to 2003. He was a leading member of the revolutionary Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party and later its Iraqi regional branch. Ideologically, he espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism, while the policies and political ideas he championed are collectively known as Saddamism.^[447] https://palqura.com/books/%D9%8A%D9%87%D9%88%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82-%D8%B0%D9%83%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D9%88%D8%B4%D8%AC%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%B4%D9%85%D9%88%D8%A6%D9%8A%D9%84-%D9%85%D9%88%D8%B1%D9%8A%D9%87-www-ketaby-3.pdf

Born in the village of Al-Awja, near Tikrit in northern Iraq, Saddam belonged to a Sunni Arab family. He joined the Ba'ath Party in 1957, d Baghdad-based Ba'ath parties in 1966. Saddam played a key role in the 17 July Revolution that brought the Ba'athists to power in 1968 and made him vice president under Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr. During his tenure as the vice president, Saddam nationalized the Iraq Petroleum Company, diversified the economy and oversaw development. He signed a peace treaty with Kurds in 1970, granting autonomy and attempted to reconcile with Iraq's Assyrian and Jewish communities. Saddam presided over the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War, crushing Kurdish rebels until the Algiers Agreement with Iran ended their support and settled territorial disputes along the Iran–Iraq border. Following al-Bakr's resignation in 1979, Saddam formally took power a, though he had already been the de facto leader of Iraq for several years. During his presidency, positions of power in the country were mostly filled with Sunni Arabs, a minority that made up only about a fifth of the Iraqi population.^[448]^[449]

Upon taking office, Saddam purged rivals within the Ba'ath Party. In 1980, he ordered the invasion of Iran in a purported effort to capture Iran's Arab-majority Khuzestan province, and end Iranian attempts to export its revolution to the Arab world. Following the end of the Iran–Iraq War in a stalemate in 1988, Saddam ordered the Anfal campaign against Kurdish rebels, who sided with Iran, which was recognized as an act of genocide by Human Rights Watch. Later, Saddam accused his former ally, Kuwait, of slant-drilling Iraq's oil reserves and subsequently invaded the country in 1990. The invasion of Kuwait ultimately led to the Gulf War in 1991, which ended in Iraq's defeat by a United States-led multinational coalition. Relations with the U.S deteriorated later. In the war's aftermath, Saddam's forces brutally suppressed uprisings launched by Kurds and Shias to gain independence and bring about a regime change in 1991 and 1999. After reconsolidating his hold on power, Saddam adopted an anti-American stance and pursued an Islamist agenda for Iraq by instituting the Faith Campaign.

In 2003, a US-led coalition invaded Iraq, falsely accusing Saddam of developing weapons of mass destruction and of having ties with al-Qaeda. After the quick coalition victory in the war, the Ba'ath Party was banned and Saddam went into hiding. After his capture on 13 December 2003, his trial took place under the Iraqi Interim Government. On 5 November 2006, Saddam was convicted by the Iraqi High Tribunal of crimes against humanity related to the 1982 Dujail massacre of over 140 Shia Muslims and sentenced to death by hanging. He was executed on 30 December 2006, a move widely condenmed due to its timing on a holy event.

A highly polarizing and controversial figure, Saddam dominated Iraqi politics for 35 years and was the subject of a cult of personality. Many Arabs regard Saddam as a resolute leader who challenged Western imperialism, opposed the Israeli occupation of Palestine, and resisted foreign intervention in the region. Conversely, many Iraqis, particularly Shias and Kurds, perceive him negatively as a tyrant responsible for numerous acts of repression, mass killing and other injustices. Human Rights Watch estimated that Saddam's regime was responsible for the murder or disappearance of 250,000 to 290,000 Iraqis. Saddam's government has been described by several analysts as authoritarian and totalitarian, and by some as fascist, although the applicability of those labels has been contested.

Saddam Hussein^[g] (28 April 1937 – 30 December 2006) was an Iraqi politician and revolutionary who served as the president and prime minister of Iraq from 1979 until his overthrow in 2003. He previously served as the vice president from 1968 to 1979. A leading member of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, he espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism, while the policies and political ideas he championed are collectively known as Saddamism.

Born near the city of Tikrit to a Arab Sunni Muslim family, Saddam joined the revolutionary Ba'ath Party in 1957. He played a key role in the 17 July Revolution that brought the Ba'athists to power and made him vice president under Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr. During his tenure as the vice president, Saddam nationalized the Iraq Petroleum Company, diversifying the economy, and introduced free healthcare and education. He attempted to ease tensions and promoted unity among Iraq's religious and ethnic groups. Saddam presided over the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War, crushing the Kurdish insurgency, and signed the Algiers Agreement with Iran in 1975, settling territorial disputes along the Iran–Iraq border. He also led Iraq’s foreign policy by aligning with the Soviet Union, supporting Palestine, and strengthening ties with revolutionary Arab states to bolster Iraq’s regional influence. Following al-Bakr's resignation in 1979, Saddam formally took power as president. During his presidency, positions of power in the country were mostly filled with Sunni Arabs, a minority that made up only about a fifth of the Iraqi population.

Upon taking office, Saddam purged rivals within his party. In 1980, he ordered the invasion of Iran, purportedly to capture Iran's Arab-majority Khuzestan province, and end Iranian attempts to export its Islamic Revolution to the Arab world. In 1988, as the war with Iran ended in a stalemate, Saddam ordered the Anfal campaign against Kurdish rebels who had sided with Iran. Later, he accused his former ally Kuwait of slant-drilling Iraq's oil reserves and subsequently invaded the country in 1990. This ultimately led to the Gulf War in 1991, which ended in Iraq's defeat by a United States-led coalition. In the war's aftermath, Saddam's forces suppressed the uprisings in 1991 launched by Kurds and Shias seeking regime change, as well as further uprisings in 1999. After reconsolidating his hold on power, Saddam pursued an Islamist agenda for Iraq through the Faith Campaign. In 2003, a US-led coalition invaded Iraq, falsely accusing him of developing weapons of mass destruction and of having ties with al-Qaeda. Coalition forces quickly toppled Saddam's government and captured him. During his trial, Saddam was convicted by the Iraqi High Tribunal of crimes against humanity and sentenced to death by hanging. He was executed on 30 December 2006.

A highly polarizing and controversial figure, Saddam was the subject of a cult of personality. Many Arabs regard him as a resolute leader who challenged Western imperialism, opposed the Israeli occupation of Palestine, and resisted foreign intervention in the region. Conversely, many Iraqis, particularly Iraqi Shias and Kurds, perceive him negatively as a tyrant responsible for numerous acts of repression, mass killing and other injustices. Human Rights Watch estimated that Saddam's regime was responsible for the murder or disappearance of 250,000–290,000 Iraqis. However, some observers view these allegations as part of American propaganda. Saddam's government has been described by several analysts as authoritarian and totalitarian, and by some as fascist, although the applicability of those labels has been contested. Following his overthrow, the ensuing chaos in Iraq contributed to a more positive re-evaluation of Saddam's legacy by some, who argue that his rule maintained greater stability, security, and order not only within Iraq but across the broader Middle East..^[453]^[454]^[455]

Saddam Hussein[b] (28 April 1937 – 30 December 2006) was an Iraqi politician and revolutionary who served as the president and prime minister of Iraq from 1979 until his overthrow in 2003. He previously served as vice president from 1968 to 1979. A leading member of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, he espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism, while the policies and political ideas he championed are collectively known as Saddamism.

Born near the city of Tikrit to an Arab Sunni Muslim family, Saddam joined the revolutionary Ba'ath Party in 1957. He played a key role in the 17 July Revolution that brought the Ba'athists to power and made him vice president under Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr. During his tenure as vice president, Saddam nationalized the Iraq Petroleum Company, diversifying the economy, and introduced free healthcare and education. He attempted to ease tensions and promote unity among Iraq's religious and ethnic groups. Saddam presided over the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War, crushing the Kurdish insurgency, and signed the Algiers Agreement with Iran in 1975, settling territorial disputes along the Iran–Iraq border. He also led Iraq’s foreign policy by aligning with the Soviet Union, supporting the Palestinian cause, and strengthening ties with revolutionary Arab states to bolster Iraq’s regional influence. Following al-Bakr's resignation in 1979, Saddam formally took power as president. During his presidency, positions of power in the country were mostly filled with Sunni Arabs, a minority that made up only about a fifth of the Iraqi population.

Upon taking office, Saddam purged rivals within his party. In 1980, he ordered the invasion of Iran, purportedly to capture Iran's Arab-majority Khuzestan province and end Iranian attempts to export its Islamic Revolution to the Arab world. In 1988, as the war with Iran ended in a stalemate, Saddam ordered the Anfal campaign against Kurdish rebels who had sided with Iran. Later, he accused his former ally Kuwait of slant-drilling Iraq's oil reserves and subsequently invaded the country in 1990. This ultimately led to the Gulf War in 1991, which ended in Iraq's defeat by a United States-led coalition. In the war's aftermath, Saddam's forces suppressed the 1991 uprisings launched by Kurds and Shias seeking regime change, as well as further uprisings in 1999. After reconsolidating his hold on power, Saddam pursued an Islamist agenda through the Faith Campaign. In 2003, a US-led coalition invaded Iraq, falsely accusing him of developing weapons of mass destruction and of having ties with al-Qaeda. Coalition forces quickly toppled Saddam's government and captured him. During his trial, Saddam was convicted by the Iraqi High Tribunal of crimes against humanity and sentenced to death by hanging. He was executed on 30 December 2006.

A highly polarizing and controversial figure, Saddam was the subject of a cult of personality. Many Arabs regard him as a resolute leader who challenged Western imperialism, opposed the Israeli occupation of Palestine, and resisted foreign intervention in the region. Conversely, many Iraqis, particularly Iraqi Shias and Kurds, perceive him negatively as a tyrant responsible for numerous acts of repression, mass killings, and other injustices. Human Rights Watch estimated that Saddam's regime was responsible for the murder or disappearance of 250,000–290,000 Iraqis. However, some observers view these allegations as part of American propaganda. Saddam's government has been described by several analysts as authoritarian and totalitarian, and by some as fascist, although the applicability of those labels has been contested. Following his overthrow, the ensuing chaos in Iraq contributed to a more positive re-evaluation of Saddam's legacy by some, who argue that his rule maintained greater stability, security, and order not only within Iraq but across the broader Middle East.[1][2][3]

Notes

^ Under his government, this date was his official date of birth. His real date of birth was never recorded, but it is believed to be between 1935 and 1939.^[1]
^ Saddam (Arabic: صَدَّام), pronounced [sˤɑdˈdæːm] in Modern Standard Arabic, is his personal name, and means "the stubborn one" or "he who confronts". Hussein (sometimes also transliterated as Hussayn or Hussain) is not a surname in the Western sense but a patronymic or nasab, his father's given personal name;^[5] Abd al-Majid his grandfather's; al-Tikriti is a laqab meaning he was born and raised in, or near, Tikrit. He was commonly referred to as Saddam Hussein, or Saddam for short. The observation that referring to the deposed Iraqi president as only Saddam is derogatory or inappropriate may be based on the assumption that Hussein is a family name, and "Hussein" was treated this way in English.^[5] Thus The New York Times refers to him as "Mr. Hussein",^[6] while Encyclopædia Britannica uses just Saddam.^[7] A full discussion can be found in the CBC reference preceding this note.
^ /səˈdɑːm huːˈseɪn/ sə-DAHM hoo-SAYN; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن, Mesopotamian Arabic: [sˤɐdˈdɑːm ɜħˈsɪe̯n]; also known by his full name Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītiyy; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن عَبْد الْمَجِيد التِّكْرِيتِيّ. He is known mononymously as Saddam.[4][b]
^ Saddam (Arabic: صَدَّام), pronounced [sˤɑdˈdæːm] in Modern Standard Arabic, is his personal name, and means "the stubborn one" or "he who confronts". Hussein (sometimes also transliterated as Hussayn or Hussain) is not a surname in the Western sense but a patronymic or nasab, his father's given personal name;^[5] Abd al-Majid his grandfather's; al-Tikriti is a laqab meaning he was born and raised in, or near, Tikrit. He was commonly referred to as Saddam Hussein, or Saddam for short. The observation that referring to the deposed Iraqi president as only Saddam is derogatory or inappropriate may be based on the assumption that Hussein is a family name, and "Hussein" was treated this way in English.^[5] Thus The New York Times refers to him as "Mr. Hussein",^[445] while Encyclopædia Britannica uses just Saddam.^[446] A full discussion can be found in the CBC reference preceding this note.
^ /səˈdɑːm huːˈseɪn/ sə-DAHM hoo-SAYN; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن, Mesopotamian Arabic: [sˤɐdˈdɑːm ɜħˈsɪe̯n]; also known by his full name Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītiyy; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن عَبْد الْمَجِيد التِّكْرِيتِيّ. He is known mononymously as Saddam.[444][d]
^ Saddam (Arabic: صَدَّام), pronounced [sˤɑdˈdæːm] in Modern Standard Arabic, is his personal name, and means "the stubborn one" or "he who confronts". Hussein (sometimes also transliterated as Hussayn or Hussain) is not a surname in the Western sense but a patronymic or nasab, his father's given personal name;^[5] Abd al-Majid his grandfather's; al-Tikriti is a laqab meaning he was born and raised in, or near, Tikrit. He was commonly referred to as Saddam Hussein, or Saddam for short. The observation that referring to the deposed Iraqi president as only Saddam is derogatory or inappropriate may be based on the assumption that Hussein is a family name, and "Hussein" was treated this way in English.^[5] Thus The New York Times refers to him as "Mr. Hussein",^[451] while Encyclopædia Britannica uses just Saddam.^[452] A full discussion can be found in the CBC reference preceding this note.
^ /səˈdɑːm huːˈseɪn/ sə-DAHM hoo-SAYN; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن, Mesopotamian Arabic: [sˤɐdˈdɑːm ɜħˈsɪe̯n]; also known by his full name Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītiyy; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن عَبْد الْمَجِيد التِّكْرِيتِيّ. He is known mononymously as Saddam.[450][f]

References

^ Con Coughlin, Saddam: The Secret Life Pan Books, 2003 (ISBN 978-0-330-39310-2).
^ "Do rewards help capture the world's most wanted men?". BBC News. 25 August 2011. Retrieved 10 December 2024.
^ "Statesmen and stature: how tall are our world leaders?". the Guardian. 18 October 2011. Retrieved 10 December 2024.
^ Shewchuk, Blair (February 2003). "Saddam or Mr. Hussein?". CBC News. This brings us to the first, and primary, reason many newsrooms use 'Saddam' – it's how he's known throughout Iraq and the rest of the Middle East.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Notzon, Beth; Nesom, Gayle (February 2005). "The Arabic Naming System" (PDF). Science Editor. 28 (1): 20–21. Archived from the original (PDF) on 30 September 2022.
^ Burns, John F. (2 July 2004). "Defiant Hussein Rebukes Iraqi Court for Trying Him". The New York Times. Retrieved 2 July 2004.
^ "Saddam Hussein". Encyclopædia Britannica. 29 May 2023.
^ ^a ^b ^c "جريدة الرياض | أحمد حسن البكر رجل المقاومة الأول ضد بريطانيا". جريدة الرياض. 23 September 2020. Archived from the original on 23 September 2020. Retrieved 23 May 2023.
^ ^a ^b Jordan, David (10 November 2021), ""So Let Today Be All the Arabs Muḥammad": The Prophet in the Discourse of the Iraqi Baʿth Party", The Presence of the Prophet in Early Modern and Contemporary Islam, Brill, pp. 323–345, ISBN 978-90-04-46675-3, retrieved 15 December 2024
^ "In search of Saddam". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 15 December 2024.
^ "Saddam Hussein | Biography, History, Death, Sons, & Facts". Britannica. 13 December 2024. Retrieved 15 December 2024.
^ ^a ^b Baram, Amatzia (8 July 2003). "The Iraqi Tribes and the Post-Saddam System". Brookings. Retrieved 23 May 2023.
^ Wrzesniewski, Jakub (2014). Tribe and State in Post-Ba'athist Iraq (Thesis). UC Berkeley.
^ ^a ^b ^c Post, Jerrold (June 1991). "Saddam Hussein of Iraq: A Political Psychology Profile". Political Psychology. 12 (2): 279–289. doi:10.2307/3791465. ISSN 0162-895X. JSTOR 3791465.
^ "Not mad, just bad and dangerous". The Sydney Morning Herald. 16 November 2002. Retrieved 17 February 2024.
^ "The Scribe: Babylonian Jewish Journal" (PDF).
^ Bumiller, Elisabeth (15 May 2004). "Was a Tyrant Prefigured by Baby Saddam?". The New York Times. ISSN 1553-8095. OCLC 1645522. Archived from the original on 11 September 2016. Retrieved 21 November 2018.
^ Jack, Anderson. "Saddam's Roots an Abusive Childhood". The Washington Post. Retrieved 8 November 2021.
^ ^a ^b Post, Jerrold. "Saddam is Iraq: Iraq is Saddam" (PDF). Maxwell Airforce Base. Archived (PDF) from the original on 21 May 2021. Retrieved 20 November 2021.
^ ^a ^b ^c Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 13–15. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
^ Eric Davis, Memories of State: Politics, History, and Collective Identity in Modern Iraq, University of California Press, 2005.
^ Batatu, Hanna (1979). The Old Social Classes & The Revolutionary Movement in Iraq. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-05241-0.
^ R. Stephen Humphreys, Between Memory and Desire: The Middle East in a Troubled Age, University of California Press, 1999, p. 68.
^ Humphreys, 68
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f democracyparadoxblog (27 February 2024). "When We Misread Dictators... Steve Coll on Saddam Hussein and the American Invasion of Iraq". Democracy Paradox. Retrieved 24 April 2025.
^ Polk, William Roe (2005). Understanding Iraq. I.B. Tauris. p. 111. ISBN 978-0857717641.
^ Simons, Geoff (1996). Iraq: From Sumer to Saddam. St. Martin's Press. p. 221. ISBN 978-0312160524.
^ Coughlin 2005, pp. 25–26.
^ ^a ^b Coughlin 2005, p. 29.
^ Osgood, Kenneth (2009). "Eisenhower and regime change in Iraq: the United States and the Iraqi Revolution of 1958". America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics. Routledge. p. 22. ISBN 978-1-134-03672-1.
^ Sale, Richard (10 April 2003). "Exclusive: Saddam Key in Early CIA Plot". United Press International. Retrieved 2 April 2018.
^ Osgood, Kenneth (2009). "Eisenhower and regime change in Iraq: the United States and the Iraqi Revolution of 1958". America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics. Routledge. p. 16. ISBN 9781134036721. The documentary record is filled with holes. A remarkable volume of material remains classified, and those records that are available are obscured by redactions – large blacked-out sections that allow for plausible deniability. While it is difficult to know exactly what actions were taken to destabilize or overthrow Qasim's regime, we can discern fairly clearly what was on the planning table. We also can see clues as to what was authorized.
^ ^a ^b ^c Osgood, Kenneth (2009). "Eisenhower and regime change in Iraq: the United States and the Iraqi Revolution of 1958". America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics. Routledge. pp. 21–23. ISBN 9781134036721.
^ Coughlin 2005, p. 30.
^ Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 15–22, 25. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
^ Makiya, Kanan (1998). Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq, Updated Edition. University of California Press. p. 118. ISBN 978-0-520-92124-5.
^ Coughlin, Con (2005). Saddam: His Rise and Fall. Harper Perennial. p. 34. ISBN 978-0-06-050543-1.
^ Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon (2021). The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq. Stanford University Press. pp. 53–54. ISBN 978-1-5036-1382-9.
^ Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 15–22. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
^ "Saddam Hussein". Britannica. 29 May 2023.
^ Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 20–21. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
^ Farouk–Sluglett, Marion; Sluglett, Peter (2001). Iraq Since 1958: From Revolution to Dictatorship. I.B. Tauris. p. 327. ISBN 9780857713735.
^
For sources that agree or sympathize with assertions of U.S. involvement, see:
- Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon; Middle East Studies Pedagogy Initiative (MESPI) (20 July 2018). "Essential Readings: The United States and Iraq before Saddam Hussein's Rule". Jadaliyya. CIA involvement in the 1963 coup that first brought the Ba'th to power in Iraq has been an open secret for decades. American government and media have never been asked to fully account for the CIA's role in the coup. On the contrary, the US government has put forward and official narrative riddled with holes–redactions that cannot be declassified for "national security" reasons.
- Citino, Nathan J. (2017). "The People's Court". Envisioning the Arab Future: Modernization in US-Arab Relations, 1945–1967. Cambridge University Press. pp. 182–183. ISBN 978-1-108-10755-6. Washington backed the movement by military officers linked to the pan-Arab Ba'th Party that overthrew Qasim in a coup on February 8, 1963.
- Jacobsen, E. (1 November 2013). "A Coincidence of Interests: Kennedy, U.S. Assistance, and the 1963 Iraqi Ba'th Regime". Diplomatic History. 37 (5): 1029–1059. doi:10.1093/dh/dht049. ISSN 0145-2096. There is ample evidence that the CIA not only had contacts with the Iraqi Ba'th in the early sixties, but also assisted in the planning of the coup.
- Ismael, Tareq Y.; Ismael, Jacqueline S.; Perry, Glenn E. (2016). Government and Politics of the Contemporary Middle East: Continuity and Change (2nd ed.). Routledge. p. 240. ISBN 978-1-317-66282-2. Ba'thist forces and army officers overthrew Qasim on February 8, 1963, in collaboration with the CIA.
- Little, Douglas (14 October 2004). "Mission Impossible: The CIA and the Cult of Covert Action in the Middle East". Diplomatic History. 28 (5): 663–701. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7709.2004.00446.x. ISSN 1467-7709. Such self-serving denials notwithstanding, the CIA actually appears to have had a great deal to do with the bloody Ba'athist coup that toppled Qassim in February 1963. Deeply troubled by Qassim's steady drift to the left, by his threats to invade Kuwait, and by his attempt to cancel Western oil concessions, U.S. intelligence made contact with anticommunist Ba'ath activists both inside and outside the Iraqi army during the early 1960s.
- Osgood, Kenneth (2009). "Eisenhower and regime change in Iraq: the United States and the Iraqi Revolution of 1958". America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics. Routledge. pp. 26–27. ISBN 9781134036721. Working with Nasser, the Ba'ath Party, and other opposition elements, including some in the Iraqi army, the CIA by 1963 was well positioned to help assemble the coalition that overthrew Qasim in February of that year. It is not clear whether Qasim's assassination, as Said Aburish has written, was 'one of the most elaborate CIA operations in the history of the Middle East.' That judgment remains to be proven. But the trail linking the CIA is suggestive.
- Sluglett, Peter. "The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq: A Study of Iraq's Old Landed and Commercial Classes and of its Communists, Ba'thists and Free Officers (Review)" (PDF). Democratiya. p. 9. Batatu infers on pp. 985–86 that the CIA was involved in the coup of 1963 (which brought the Ba'ath briefly to power): Even if the evidence here is somewhat circumstantial, there can be no question about the Ba'ath's fervent anti-communism.
- Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon (2021). The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq. Stanford University Press. p. 119. ISBN 978-1-5036-1382-9. Weldon Matthews, Malik Mufti, Douglas Little, William Zeman, and Eric Jacobsen have all drawn on declassified American records to largely substantiate the plausibility of Batatu's account. Peter Hahn and Bryan Gibson (in separate works) argue that the available evidence does support the claim of CIA collusion with the Ba'th. However, each makes this argument in the course of a much broader study, and neither examines the question in any detail.
- Mitchel, Timothy (2002). Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity. University of California Press. p. 149. ISBN 9780520928251. Qasim was killed three years later in a coup welcomed and possibly aided by the CIA, which brought to power the Ba'ath, the party of Saddam Hussein.
- Weiner, Tim (2008). Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA. Doubleday. p. 163. ISBN 9780307455628. The agency finally backed a successful coup in Iraq in the name of American influence.
^
For sources that dispute assertions of U.S. involvement, see:
- Gibson, Bryan R. (2015). Sold Out? US Foreign Policy, Iraq, the Kurds, and the Cold War. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 58. ISBN 978-1-137-48711-7. Barring the release of new information, the balance of evidence suggests that while the United States was actively plotting the overthrow of the Qasim regime, it did not appear to be directly involved in the February 1963 coup.
- Hahn, Peter (2011). Missions Accomplished?: The United States and Iraq Since World War I. Oxford University Press. p. 48. ISBN 9780195333381. Declassified U.S. government documents offer no evidence to support these suggestions.
- Barrett, Roby C. (2007). The Greater Middle East and the Cold War: US Foreign Policy Under Eisenhower and Kennedy. I.B. Tauris. p. 451. ISBN 9780857713087. Washington wanted to see Qasim and his Communist supporters removed, but that is a far cry from Batatu's inference that the U.S. had somehow engineered the coup. The U.S. lacked the operational capability to organize and carry out the coup, but certainly after it had occurred the U.S. government preferred the Nasserists and Ba'athists in power, and provided encouragement and probably some peripheral assistance.
- West, Nigel (2017). Encyclopedia of Political Assassinations. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 205. ISBN 9781538102398. Although Qasim was regarded as an adversary by the West, having nationalized the Iraq Petroleum Company, which had joint Anglo-American ownership, no plans had been made to depose him, principally because of the absence of a plausible successor. Nevertheless, the CIA pursued other schemes to prevent Iraq from coming under Soviet influence, and one such target was an unidentified colonel, thought to have been Qasim's cousin, the notorious Fadhil Abbas al-Mahdawi who was appointed military prosecutor to try members of the previous Hashemite monarchy.
^ Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon (2021). The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq. Stanford University Press. p. 117. ISBN 978-1-5036-1382-9. What really happened in Iraq in February 1963 remains shrouded behind a veil of official secrecy. Many of the most relevant documents remain classified. Others were destroyed. And still others were never created in the first place.
^ Matthews, Weldon C. (9 November 2011). "The Kennedy Administration, Counterinsurgency, and Iraq's First Ba'thist Regime". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 43 (4): 635–653. doi:10.1017/S0020743811000882. ISSN 1471-6380. S2CID 159490612. Archival sources on the U.S. relationship with this regime are highly restricted. Many records of the Central Intelligence Agency's operations and the Department of Defense from this period remain classified, and some declassified records have not been transferred to the National Archives or cataloged.
^ Matthews, Weldon C. (9 November 2011). "The Kennedy Administration, Counterinsurgency, and Iraq's First Ba'thist Regime". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 43 (4): 635–653. doi:10.1017/S0020743811000882. ISSN 0020-7438. S2CID 159490612. [Kennedy] Administration officials viewed the Iraqi Ba'th Party in 1963 as an agent of counterinsurgency directed against Iraqi communists, and they cultivated supportive relationships with Ba'thist officials, police commanders, and members of the Ba'th Party militia. The American relationship with militia members and senior police commanders had begun even before the February coup, and Ba'thist police commanders involved in the coup had been trained in the United States.
^ Wolfe-Hunnicutt, B. (1 January 2015). "Embracing Regime Change in Iraq: American Foreign Policy and the 1963 Coup d'etat in Baghdad". Diplomatic History. 39 (1): 98–125. doi:10.1093/dh/dht121. ISSN 0145-2096.
^ Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon (2021). The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq. Stanford University Press. p. 206. ISBN 978-1-5036-1382-9.
^ Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 25–26. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
^ Tripp, Charles (2010). A History of Iraq. Cambridge University Press. p. 183. ISBN 978-0-521-87823-4.
^ The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq (Princeton 1978).
^ Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 26–27. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
^ Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d "Saddam Hussein Takes Power in Iraq". EBSCO. Retrieved 26 March 2025.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Bay Fang. "When Saddam ruled the day." U.S. News & World Report. 11 July 2004. Archived 16 January 2014 at the Wayback Machine
^ A Documentary on Saddam Hussein 5 on YouTube
^ Edward Mortimer. "The Thief of Baghdad." New York Review of Books. 27 September 1990, citing Fuad Matar. Saddam Hussein: A Biography. Highlight. 1990. Archived 23 July 2008 at the Wayback Machine
^ Ufheil-Somers, Amanda (6 November 1990). "Iraq Since 1986: The Strengthening of Saddam". MERIP. Retrieved 30 April 2025.
^ Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. p. 38. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
^ "Saddam Hussein's legacy of sectarian division in Iraq". The World from PRX. 31 July 2016. Retrieved 24 September 2024.
^ "بالوثائق التاريخية.. صدام حسين لم يكن طائفياً". موقع جريدة المجد الإلكتروني (in Arabic). 17 October 2015. Retrieved 7 April 2025.
^ Interview with Naji Salman Salih, 2008
^ ^a ^b "Thinking About the History of Militias in Iraq | Wilson Center". www.wilsoncenter.org. 3 December 2020. Retrieved 30 April 2025.
^ "Saddam defends killing of Kurds". The Guardian. 11 September 2006. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 30 April 2025.
^ ^a ^b Helen Chapin Metz (ed) Iraq: A Country Study: "Internal Security in the 1980s", Library of Congress Country Studies, 1988
^ ^a ^b Makiya, Kanan (1998). Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq, Updated Edition. University of California Press. pp. 62–65. ISBN 978-0-520-92124-5.
^ "U.S. Relations With Anti-Saddam Groups" (PDF). Congressional Research Service. Retrieved 15 April 2012.
^ "Saddam Hussein – The blundering dictator". The Economist. 4 January 2007.
^ "War in Iraq: Not a Humanitarian Intervention". Human Rights Watch. 25 January 2004. Retrieved 31 May 2017. Having devoted extensive time and effort to documenting [Saddam's] atrocities, we estimate that in the last twenty-five years of Ba'ath Party rule the Iraqi government murdered or 'disappeared' some quarter of a million Iraqis, if not more.
^ ^a ^b Sassoon, Joseph (February 2017). "Aaron M. Faust, The Ba'thification of Iraq: Saddam Hussein's Totalitarianism [Book Review]". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 49 (1). Cambridge University Press: 205–206. doi:10.1017/S0020743816001392. S2CID 164804585. First, Faust totally ignores the economy in his analysis. This oversight is remarkable given his attempt to trace how the regime became totalitarian, which, by definition, encompasses all facets of life. ... Second, the comparison with Stalin or Hitler is weak when one takes into consideration how many Iraqis were allowed to leave the country. Although citizens needed to undergo a convoluted and bureaucratic procedure to obtain the necessary papers to leave the country, the fact remains that more than one million Iraqis migrated from Iraq from the end of the Iran–Iraq War in 1988 until the US-led invasion in 2003. Third, religion under Stalin did not function in the same manner as it did in Iraq, and while Faust details how the Shia were not allowed to engage in some of their ceremonies, the average Iraqi was allowed to pray at home and in a mosque. ... it is correct that the security services kept a watch on religious establishments and mosques, but the Iraqi approach is somewhat different from that pursued by Stalin's totalitarianism.
^ ^a ^b "Iraq's economy: Past, present, future - Iraq | ReliefWeb". reliefweb.int. 3 June 2003. Retrieved 4 May 2025.
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^ ^a ^b ^c Sassoon, Joseph (February 2017). "Aaron M. Faust, The Ba'thification of Iraq: Saddam Hussein's Totalitarianism [Book Review]". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 49 (1). Cambridge University Press: 205–206. doi:10.1017/S0020743816001392. S2CID 164804585. First, Faust totally ignores the economy in his analysis. This oversight is remarkable given his attempt to trace how the regime became totalitarian, which, by definition, encompasses all facets of life. ... Second, the comparison with Stalin or Hitler is weak when one takes into consideration how many Iraqis were allowed to leave the country. Although citizens needed to undergo a convoluted and bureaucratic procedure to obtain the necessary papers to leave the country, the fact remains that more than one million Iraqis migrated from Iraq from the end of the Iran–Iraq War in 1988 until the US-led invasion in 2003. Third, religion under Stalin did not function in the same manner as it did in Iraq, and while Faust details how the Shia were not allowed to engage in some of their ceremonies, the average Iraqi was allowed to pray at home and in a mosque. ... it is correct that the security services kept a watch on religious establishments and mosques, but the Iraqi approach is somewhat different from that pursued by Stalin's totalitarianism.
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^ Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. p. 38. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
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^ ^a ^b Murray, Williamson; Woods, Kevin M. (2014). "A context of 'bitterness and anger'". The Iran–Iraq War, A Military and Strategic History. Cambridge University Press. pp. 58–59 (e-book, page numbers approximate). ISBN 978-1107062290.
^ Murray, Williamson; Woods, Kevin M. (2014). "A context of 'bitterness and anger'". The Iran–Iraq War, A Military and Strategic History. Cambridge University Press. pp. 57–58 (e-book, page numbers approximate). ISBN 978-1107062290.
^ Murray, Williamson; Woods, Kevin M. (2014). "A context of 'bitterness and anger'". The Iran–Iraq War, A Military and Strategic History. Cambridge University Press. pp. 62–63 (e-book, page numbers approximate). ISBN 978-1107062290. On 7 September 1980, Iraq accused Iran of shelling Iraqi villages in the territories of Zain al-Qaws and Saif Saad on 4 September 1980. Iraq demanded that the Iranian forces in those territories evacuate and return the villages to Iraq. Tehran gave no reply. Iraqi forces then moved to 'liberate' the villages, and on 10 September announced that its forces had done so in a short, sharp military engagement. ... On 14 September 1980, Iran announced it would no longer abide by the 1975 Algiers Agreement. Given the scene that was set, it was no surprise that on 17 September, five days before the invasion, Iraq declared the accords null and void. ... On 22 September, Iraqi units crossed the frontier.
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^ A free-access on-line archive relating to U.S.–Iraq relations in the 1980s is offered by The National Security Archive of the George Washington University. It can be read on line at [2]. The Mount Holyoke International Relations Program also provides a free-access document briefing on U.S.–Iraq relations (1904–present); this can be accessed on line at [3] Archived 8 February 2019 at the Wayback Machine.
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^ ^a ^b ^c "CONFRONTATION IN THE GULF; Excerpts From Iraqi Document on Meeting With U.S. Envoy", The New York Times, 23 September 1990
^ Greg Palast: Armed Madhouse Chapter 2, "Plume".
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^ For a statement asserting the overriding importance of oil to U.S. national security and the U.S. economy, see, e.g., the declassified document, "Responding to Iraqi Aggression in the Gulf", The White House, National Security Directive (NSD 54), top secret, 15 January 1991. This document can be read on line in George Washington University's National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 21 at [4].
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^ ^a ^b "State of Repression: Iraq under Saddam Hussein | Political Science". politicalscience.stanford.edu. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ Ahmad, Hayder Al-Shakeri,Alfadhel. "The long shadow of Saddam's dictatorship in Iraq". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 16 March 2024.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
^ Waterbury, John (16 October 2018). "State of Repression: Iraq Under Saddam Hussein". Foreign Affairs. Vol. 97, no. 6. ISSN 0015-7120. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ "The Gulf War | Miller Center". millercenter.org. 11 May 2020. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ Kelidar, Abbas (1 October 1992). "The wars of Saddam Hussein". Middle Eastern Studies. 28 (4): 778–798. doi:10.1080/00263209208700928. ISSN 0026-3206.
^ "Corruption is the forgotten legacy of the Iraq invasion". Brookings. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ "Why sanctions fell short of their objectives in the First Gulf War". Economic History. 5 January 2023. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ MacDonald, Michael (2014). Overreach: Delusions of Regime Change in Iraq. Harvard University Press. pp. 212–215. ISBN 978-0-674-72910-0.
^ "Why was Saddam Hussein so popular among Palestinians?". www.dailyo.in. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ "Palestinian activists build monument to Saddam Hussein". AP News. 23 October 2017. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ "Palestinian Activists Build Monument to Saddam Hussein". Bloomberg.com. 23 October 2017. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ "Palestinians Erect Memorial To Saddam Hussein In Qalqilya, Bearing Slogan 'Arab Palestine From River To Sea'". MEMRI. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ Polon, Tal (22 October 2017). "PA city erects Saddam Hussein memorial". Arutz Sheva. Retrieved 1 April 2024.
^ Medoff, Rafael (29 October 2017). "Palestinian Saddam statue is a 'poke in America's eye,' diplomats and leaders say". Jewish News Syndicate. Retrieved 1 April 2024.
^ Diamond, Jeremy (6 July 2016). "Trump praises Saddam Hussein's efficient killing of 'terrorists,' calls today's Iraq 'Harvard for terrorism'". CNN.
^ Campbell, Matthew (16 September 2023). "Gaddafi's 'spiritual son': the general blamed over flood catastrophe". The Times. ISSN 0140-0460.
^ "Khalifa Haftar will use Libya's floods to deepen his control". The Economist. 21 September 2023.
^ Uddin, Rayhan (19 September 2023). "Libya floods: Elseddik and Saddam Haftar, the brothers vying for power after disaster". Middle East Eye.
^ Roxborough, Scott (15 February 2024). "Barry Keoghan to Star in Film From 'Chernobyl' Director Johan Renck About Saddam Hussein's Final Days (Exclusive)". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved 16 March 2024.
^ Shewchuk, Blair (February 2003). "Saddam or Mr. Hussein?". CBC News. This brings us to the first, and primary, reason many newsrooms use 'Saddam' – it's how he's known throughout Iraq and the rest of the Middle East.
^ Burns, John F. (2 July 2004). "Defiant Hussein Rebukes Iraqi Court for Trying Him". The New York Times. Retrieved 2 July 2004.
^ "Saddam Hussein". Encyclopædia Britannica. 29 May 2023.
^ "Faylee Archive - الارشيف الفيلي". faylee.org. Retrieved 20 April 2025.
^ Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. p. 38. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.
^ "Saddam Hussein". Oxford Reference. Retrieved 17 December 2023.
^ Shewchuk, Blair (February 2003). "Saddam or Mr. Hussein?". CBC News. This brings us to the first, and primary, reason many newsrooms use 'Saddam' – it's how he's known throughout Iraq and the rest of the Middle East.
^ Burns, John F. (2 July 2004). "Defiant Hussein Rebukes Iraqi Court for Trying Him". The New York Times. Retrieved 2 July 2004.
^ "Saddam Hussein". Encyclopædia Britannica. 29 May 2023.
^ Esterbrook, John (18 December 2002). "U.S. Propaganda Push In Iraq - CBS News". www.cbsnews.com. Retrieved 24 April 2025.
^ "Israeli Experts Say Middle East Was Safer With Saddam in Iraq". The Forward. 6 January 2007. Retrieved 24 April 2025.
^ Kaplan, Robert D. (18 March 2023). "Essay | What I Failed to Understand About Saddam's Iraq—and American Power". Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Retrieved 24 April 2025.

External links

Government of Iraq at the Wayback Machine (archived 30 September 2000) (2000–2003)
Saddam Hussein Profile by BBC News
The Saddam Hussein Sourcebook. Archived 13 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine. National Security Archive at The George Washington University.
Saddam Hussein and the Iran–Iraq War from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives
Federal Bureau of Investigation Records: The Vault – Saddam Hussein (226 pages)
Appearances on C-SPAN

Political offices
Preceded by Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr	President of Iraq 1979–2003	Succeeded by Jay Garner as Director of the Office for Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance of Iraq
Preceded by Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr	Prime Minister of Iraq 1979–1991	Succeeded by Sa'dun Hammadi
Preceded by Ahmad Husayn Khudayir as-Samarrai	Prime Minister of Iraq 1994–2003	Succeeded by Mohammad Bahr al-Ulloum as Acting President of the Governing Council of Iraq
Party political offices
Preceded by Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr	Leader of the Ba'ath Party 1979–2006	Succeeded by Izzat Ibrahim ad-Douri

[Birth_date_unclear-2] Under his government, this date was his official date of birth. His real date of birth was never recorded, but it is believed to be between 1935 and 1939.^[1]

[9] Saddam (Arabic: صَدَّام), pronounced [sˤɑdˈdæːm] in Modern Standard Arabic, is his personal name, and means "the stubborn one" or "he who confronts". Hussein (sometimes also transliterated as Hussayn or Hussain) is not a surname in the Western sense but a patronymic or nasab, his father's given personal name;^[5] Abd al-Majid his grandfather's; al-Tikriti is a laqab meaning he was born and raised in, or near, Tikrit. He was commonly referred to as Saddam Hussein, or Saddam for short. The observation that referring to the deposed Iraqi president as only Saddam is derogatory or inappropriate may be based on the assumption that Hussein is a family name, and "Hussein" was treated this way in English.^[5] Thus The New York Times refers to him as "Mr. Hussein",^[6] while Encyclopædia Britannica uses just Saddam.^[7] A full discussion can be found in the CBC reference preceding this note.

[10] /səˈdɑːm huːˈseɪn/ ^ⓘ sə-DAHM hoo-SAYN; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن, Mesopotamian Arabic: [sˤɐdˈdɑːm ɜħˈsɪe̯n]; also known by his full name Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītiyy; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن عَبْد الْمَجِيد التِّكْرِيتِيّ. He is known mononymously as Saddam.^[4]^[b]

[450] Saddam (Arabic: صَدَّام), pronounced [sˤɑdˈdæːm] in Modern Standard Arabic, is his personal name, and means "the stubborn one" or "he who confronts". Hussein (sometimes also transliterated as Hussayn or Hussain) is not a surname in the Western sense but a patronymic or nasab, his father's given personal name;^[5] Abd al-Majid his grandfather's; al-Tikriti is a laqab meaning he was born and raised in, or near, Tikrit. He was commonly referred to as Saddam Hussein, or Saddam for short. The observation that referring to the deposed Iraqi president as only Saddam is derogatory or inappropriate may be based on the assumption that Hussein is a family name, and "Hussein" was treated this way in English.^[5] Thus The New York Times refers to him as "Mr. Hussein",^[445] while Encyclopædia Britannica uses just Saddam.^[446] A full discussion can be found in the CBC reference preceding this note.

[451] /səˈdɑːm huːˈseɪn/ ^ⓘ sə-DAHM hoo-SAYN; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن, Mesopotamian Arabic: [sˤɐdˈdɑːm ɜħˈsɪe̯n]; also known by his full name Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītiyy; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن عَبْد الْمَجِيد التِّكْرِيتِيّ. He is known mononymously as Saddam.^[444]^[d]

[458] Saddam (Arabic: صَدَّام), pronounced [sˤɑdˈdæːm] in Modern Standard Arabic, is his personal name, and means "the stubborn one" or "he who confronts". Hussein (sometimes also transliterated as Hussayn or Hussain) is not a surname in the Western sense but a patronymic or nasab, his father's given personal name;^[5] Abd al-Majid his grandfather's; al-Tikriti is a laqab meaning he was born and raised in, or near, Tikrit. He was commonly referred to as Saddam Hussein, or Saddam for short. The observation that referring to the deposed Iraqi president as only Saddam is derogatory or inappropriate may be based on the assumption that Hussein is a family name, and "Hussein" was treated this way in English.^[5] Thus The New York Times refers to him as "Mr. Hussein",^[451] while Encyclopædia Britannica uses just Saddam.^[452] A full discussion can be found in the CBC reference preceding this note.

[459] /səˈdɑːm huːˈseɪn/ ^ⓘ sə-DAHM hoo-SAYN; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن, Mesopotamian Arabic: [sˤɐdˈdɑːm ɜħˈsɪe̯n]; also known by his full name Ṣaddām Ḥusayn ʿAbd al-Maǧīd al-Tikrītiyy; Arabic: صَدَّام حُسَيْن عَبْد الْمَجِيد التِّكْرِيتِيّ. He is known mononymously as Saddam.^[450]^[f]

[1] Con Coughlin, Saddam: The Secret Life Pan Books, 2003 (ISBN 978-0-330-39310-2).

[3] "Do rewards help capture the world's most wanted men?". BBC News. 25 August 2011. Retrieved 10 December 2024.

[4] "Statesmen and stature: how tall are our world leaders?". the Guardian. 18 October 2011. Retrieved 10 December 2024.

[5] Shewchuk, Blair (February 2003). "Saddam or Mr. Hussein?". CBC News. This brings us to the first, and primary, reason many newsrooms use 'Saddam' – it's how he's known throughout Iraq and the rest of the Middle East.

[Notzonetal-6] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Notzon, Beth; Nesom, Gayle (February 2005). "The Arabic Naming System" (PDF). Science Editor. 28 (1): 20–21. Archived from the original (PDF) on 30 September 2022.

[7] Burns, John F. (2 July 2004). "Defiant Hussein Rebukes Iraqi Court for Trying Him". The New York Times. Retrieved 2 July 2004.

[8] "Saddam Hussein". Encyclopædia Britannica. 29 May 2023.

[alriyadh-11] "جريدة الرياض | أحمد حسن البكر رجل المقاومة الأول ضد بريطانيا". جريدة الرياض. 23 September 2020. Archived from the original on 23 September 2020. Retrieved 23 May 2023.

[Jordan_323–345-12] Jordan, David (10 November 2021), ""So Let Today Be All the Arabs Muḥammad": The Prophet in the Discourse of the Iraqi Baʿth Party", The Presence of the Prophet in Early Modern and Contemporary Islam, Brill, pp. 323–345, ISBN 978-90-04-46675-3, retrieved 15 December 2024

[13] "In search of Saddam". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 15 December 2024.

[14] "Saddam Hussein | Biography, History, Death, Sons, & Facts". Britannica. 13 December 2024. Retrieved 15 December 2024.

[Baram_2003-15] Baram, Amatzia (8 July 2003). "The Iraqi Tribes and the Post-Saddam System". Brookings. Retrieved 23 May 2023.

[16] Wrzesniewski, Jakub (2014). Tribe and State in Post-Ba'athist Iraq (Thesis). UC Berkeley.

[:33-17] Post, Jerrold (June 1991). "Saddam Hussein of Iraq: A Political Psychology Profile". Political Psychology. 12 (2): 279–289. doi:10.2307/3791465. ISSN 0162-895X. JSTOR 3791465.

[18] "Not mad, just bad and dangerous". The Sydney Morning Herald. 16 November 2002. Retrieved 17 February 2024.

[19] "The Scribe: Babylonian Jewish Journal" (PDF).

[20] Bumiller, Elisabeth (15 May 2004). "Was a Tyrant Prefigured by Baby Saddam?". The New York Times. ISSN 1553-8095. OCLC 1645522. Archived from the original on 11 September 2016. Retrieved 21 November 2018.

[21] Jack, Anderson. "Saddam's Roots an Abusive Childhood". The Washington Post. Retrieved 8 November 2021.

[beat1-22] Post, Jerrold. "Saddam is Iraq: Iraq is Saddam" (PDF). Maxwell Airforce Base. Archived (PDF) from the original on 21 May 2021. Retrieved 20 November 2021.

[Karsh_13–15-23] Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 13–15. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.

[24] Eric Davis, Memories of State: Politics, History, and Collective Identity in Modern Iraq, University of California Press, 2005.

[25] Batatu, Hanna (1979). The Old Social Classes & The Revolutionary Movement in Iraq. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-05241-0.

[26] R. Stephen Humphreys, Between Memory and Desire: The Middle East in a Troubled Age, University of California Press, 1999, p. 68.

[27] Humphreys, 68

[:49-28] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f democracyparadoxblog (27 February 2024). "When We Misread Dictators... Steve Coll on Saddam Hussein and the American Invasion of Iraq". Democracy Paradox. Retrieved 24 April 2025.

[29] Polk, William Roe (2005). Understanding Iraq. I.B. Tauris. p. 111. ISBN 978-0857717641.

[30] Simons, Geoff (1996). Iraq: From Sumer to Saddam. St. Martin's Press. p. 221. ISBN 978-0312160524.

[FOOTNOTECoughlin200525–26-31] Coughlin 2005, pp. 25–26.

[FOOTNOTECoughlin200529-32] Coughlin 2005, p. 29.

[33] Osgood, Kenneth (2009). "Eisenhower and regime change in Iraq: the United States and the Iraqi Revolution of 1958". America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics. Routledge. p. 22. ISBN 978-1-134-03672-1.

[34] Sale, Richard (10 April 2003). "Exclusive: Saddam Key in Early CIA Plot". United Press International. Retrieved 2 April 2018.

[Osgood_p._16-35] Osgood, Kenneth (2009). "Eisenhower and regime change in Iraq: the United States and the Iraqi Revolution of 1958". America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics. Routledge. p. 16. ISBN 9781134036721. The documentary record is filled with holes. A remarkable volume of material remains classified, and those records that are available are obscured by redactions – large blacked-out sections that allow for plausible deniability. While it is difficult to know exactly what actions were taken to destabilize or overthrow Qasim's regime, we can discern fairly clearly what was on the planning table. We also can see clues as to what was authorized.

[Osgood_pp._21–23-36] Osgood, Kenneth (2009). "Eisenhower and regime change in Iraq: the United States and the Iraqi Revolution of 1958". America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics. Routledge. pp. 21–23. ISBN 9781134036721.

[FOOTNOTECoughlin200530-37] Coughlin 2005, p. 30.

[38] Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 15–22, 25. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.

[39] Makiya, Kanan (1998). Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq, Updated Edition. University of California Press. p. 118. ISBN 978-0-520-92124-5.

[40] Coughlin, Con (2005). Saddam: His Rise and Fall. Harper Perennial. p. 34. ISBN 978-0-06-050543-1.

[WH2021_1959_2-41] Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon (2021). The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq. Stanford University Press. pp. 53–54. ISBN 978-1-5036-1382-9.

[42] Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 15–22. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.

[43] "Saddam Hussein". Britannica. 29 May 2023.

[44] Karsh, Efraim; Rautsi, Inari (2002). Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography. Grove Press. pp. 20–21. ISBN 978-0-8021-3978-8.

[Slugletts_p._327-45] Farouk–Sluglett, Marion; Sluglett, Peter (2001). Iraq Since 1958: From Revolution to Dictatorship. I.B. Tauris. p. 327. ISBN 9780857713735.

[46] For sources that agree or sympathize with assertions of U.S. involvement, see:
Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon; Middle East Studies Pedagogy Initiative (MESPI) (20 July 2018). "Essential Readings: The United States and Iraq before Saddam Hussein's Rule". Jadaliyya. CIA involvement in the 1963 coup that first brought the Ba'th to power in Iraq has been an open secret for decades. American government and media have never been asked to fully account for the CIA's role in the coup. On the contrary, the US government has put forward and official narrative riddled with holes–redactions that cannot be declassified for "national security" reasons.

Citino, Nathan J. (2017). "The People's Court". Envisioning the Arab Future: Modernization in US-Arab Relations, 1945–1967. Cambridge University Press. pp. 182–183. ISBN 978-1-108-10755-6. Washington backed the movement by military officers linked to the pan-Arab Ba'th Party that overthrew Qasim in a coup on February 8, 1963.

Jacobsen, E. (1 November 2013). "A Coincidence of Interests: Kennedy, U.S. Assistance, and the 1963 Iraqi Ba'th Regime". Diplomatic History. 37 (5): 1029–1059. doi:10.1093/dh/dht049. ISSN 0145-2096. There is ample evidence that the CIA not only had contacts with the Iraqi Ba'th in the early sixties, but also assisted in the planning of the coup.

Ismael, Tareq Y.; Ismael, Jacqueline S.; Perry, Glenn E. (2016). Government and Politics of the Contemporary Middle East: Continuity and Change (2nd ed.). Routledge. p. 240. ISBN 978-1-317-66282-2. Ba'thist forces and army officers overthrew Qasim on February 8, 1963, in collaboration with the CIA.

Little, Douglas (14 October 2004). "Mission Impossible: The CIA and the Cult of Covert Action in the Middle East". Diplomatic History. 28 (5): 663–701. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7709.2004.00446.x. ISSN 1467-7709. Such self-serving denials notwithstanding, the CIA actually appears to have had a great deal to do with the bloody Ba'athist coup that toppled Qassim in February 1963. Deeply troubled by Qassim's steady drift to the left, by his threats to invade Kuwait, and by his attempt to cancel Western oil concessions, U.S. intelligence made contact with anticommunist Ba'ath activists both inside and outside the Iraqi army during the early 1960s.

Osgood, Kenneth (2009). "Eisenhower and regime change in Iraq: the United States and the Iraqi Revolution of 1958". America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics. Routledge. pp. 26–27. ISBN 9781134036721. Working with Nasser, the Ba'ath Party, and other opposition elements, including some in the Iraqi army, the CIA by 1963 was well positioned to help assemble the coalition that overthrew Qasim in February of that year. It is not clear whether Qasim's assassination, as Said Aburish has written, was 'one of the most elaborate CIA operations in the history of the Middle East.' That judgment remains to be proven. But the trail linking the CIA is suggestive.

Sluglett, Peter. "The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq: A Study of Iraq's Old Landed and Commercial Classes and of its Communists, Ba'thists and Free Officers (Review)" (PDF). Democratiya. p. 9. Batatu infers on pp. 985–86 that the CIA was involved in the coup of 1963 (which brought the Ba'ath briefly to power): Even if the evidence here is somewhat circumstantial, there can be no question about the Ba'ath's fervent anti-communism.

Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon (2021). The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq. Stanford University Press. p. 119. ISBN 978-1-5036-1382-9. Weldon Matthews, Malik Mufti, Douglas Little, William Zeman, and Eric Jacobsen have all drawn on declassified American records to largely substantiate the plausibility of Batatu's account. Peter Hahn and Bryan Gibson (in separate works) argue that the available evidence does support the claim of CIA collusion with the Ba'th. However, each makes this argument in the course of a much broader study, and neither examines the question in any detail.

Mitchel, Timothy (2002). Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity. University of California Press. p. 149. ISBN 9780520928251. Qasim was killed three years later in a coup welcomed and possibly aided by the CIA, which brought to power the Ba'ath, the party of Saddam Hussein.

Weiner, Tim (2008). Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA. Doubleday. p. 163. ISBN 9780307455628. The agency finally backed a successful coup in Iraq in the name of American influence.

[51] Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon; Middle East Studies Pedagogy Initiative (MESPI) (20 July 2018). "Essential Readings: The United States and Iraq before Saddam Hussein's Rule". Jadaliyya. CIA involvement in the 1963 coup that first brought the Ba'th to power in Iraq has been an open secret for decades. American government and media have never been asked to fully account for the CIA's role in the coup. On the contrary, the US government has put forward and official narrative riddled with holes–redactions that cannot be declassified for "national security" reasons.

[52] Citino, Nathan J. (2017). "The People's Court". Envisioning the Arab Future: Modernization in US-Arab Relations, 1945–1967. Cambridge University Press. pp. 182–183. ISBN 978-1-108-10755-6. Washington backed the movement by military officers linked to the pan-Arab Ba'th Party that overthrew Qasim in a coup on February 8, 1963.

[53] Jacobsen, E. (1 November 2013). "A Coincidence of Interests: Kennedy, U.S. Assistance, and the 1963 Iraqi Ba'th Regime". Diplomatic History. 37 (5): 1029–1059. doi:10.1093/dh/dht049. ISSN 0145-2096. There is ample evidence that the CIA not only had contacts with the Iraqi Ba'th in the early sixties, but also assisted in the planning of the coup.

[54] Ismael, Tareq Y.; Ismael, Jacqueline S.; Perry, Glenn E. (2016). Government and Politics of the Contemporary Middle East: Continuity and Change (2nd ed.). Routledge. p. 240. ISBN 978-1-317-66282-2. Ba'thist forces and army officers overthrew Qasim on February 8, 1963, in collaboration with the CIA.

[55] Little, Douglas (14 October 2004). "Mission Impossible: The CIA and the Cult of Covert Action in the Middle East". Diplomatic History. 28 (5): 663–701. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7709.2004.00446.x. ISSN 1467-7709. Such self-serving denials notwithstanding, the CIA actually appears to have had a great deal to do with the bloody Ba'athist coup that toppled Qassim in February 1963. Deeply troubled by Qassim's steady drift to the left, by his threats to invade Kuwait, and by his attempt to cancel Western oil concessions, U.S. intelligence made contact with anticommunist Ba'ath activists both inside and outside the Iraqi army during the early 1960s.

[56] Osgood, Kenneth (2009). "Eisenhower and regime change in Iraq: the United States and the Iraqi Revolution of 1958". America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics. Routledge. pp. 26–27. ISBN 9781134036721. Working with Nasser, the Ba'ath Party, and other opposition elements, including some in the Iraqi army, the CIA by 1963 was well positioned to help assemble the coalition that overthrew Qasim in February of that year. It is not clear whether Qasim's assassination, as Said Aburish has written, was 'one of the most elaborate CIA operations in the history of the Middle East.' That judgment remains to be proven. But the trail linking the CIA is suggestive.

[57] Sluglett, Peter. "The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq: A Study of Iraq's Old Landed and Commercial Classes and of its Communists, Ba'thists and Free Officers (Review)" (PDF). Democratiya. p. 9. Batatu infers on pp. 985–86 that the CIA was involved in the coup of 1963 (which brought the Ba'ath briefly to power): Even if the evidence here is somewhat circumstantial, there can be no question about the Ba'ath's fervent anti-communism.

[58] Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon (2021). The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq. Stanford University Press. p. 119. ISBN 978-1-5036-1382-9. Weldon Matthews, Malik Mufti, Douglas Little, William Zeman, and Eric Jacobsen have all drawn on declassified American records to largely substantiate the plausibility of Batatu's account. Peter Hahn and Bryan Gibson (in separate works) argue that the available evidence does support the claim of CIA collusion with the Ba'th. However, each makes this argument in the course of a much broader study, and neither examines the question in any detail.

[59] Mitchel, Timothy (2002). Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity. University of California Press. p. 149. ISBN 9780520928251. Qasim was killed three years later in a coup welcomed and possibly aided by the CIA, which brought to power the Ba'ath, the party of Saddam Hussein.

[60] Weiner, Tim (2008). Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA. Doubleday. p. 163. ISBN 9780307455628. The agency finally backed a successful coup in Iraq in the name of American influence.

[47] For sources that dispute assertions of U.S. involvement, see:
Gibson, Bryan R. (2015). Sold Out? US Foreign Policy, Iraq, the Kurds, and the Cold War. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 58. ISBN 978-1-137-48711-7. Barring the release of new information, the balance of evidence suggests that while the United States was actively plotting the overthrow of the Qasim regime, it did not appear to be directly involved in the February 1963 coup.

Hahn, Peter (2011). Missions Accomplished?: The United States and Iraq Since World War I. Oxford University Press. p. 48. ISBN 9780195333381. Declassified U.S. government documents offer no evidence to support these suggestions.

Barrett, Roby C. (2007). The Greater Middle East and the Cold War: US Foreign Policy Under Eisenhower and Kennedy. I.B. Tauris. p. 451. ISBN 9780857713087. Washington wanted to see Qasim and his Communist supporters removed, but that is a far cry from Batatu's inference that the U.S. had somehow engineered the coup. The U.S. lacked the operational capability to organize and carry out the coup, but certainly after it had occurred the U.S. government preferred the Nasserists and Ba'athists in power, and provided encouragement and probably some peripheral assistance.

West, Nigel (2017). Encyclopedia of Political Assassinations. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 205. ISBN 9781538102398. Although Qasim was regarded as an adversary by the West, having nationalized the Iraq Petroleum Company, which had joint Anglo-American ownership, no plans had been made to depose him, principally because of the absence of a plausible successor. Nevertheless, the CIA pursued other schemes to prevent Iraq from coming under Soviet influence, and one such target was an unidentified colonel, thought to have been Qasim's cousin, the notorious Fadhil Abbas al-Mahdawi who was appointed military prosecutor to try members of the previous Hashemite monarchy.

[62] Gibson, Bryan R. (2015). Sold Out? US Foreign Policy, Iraq, the Kurds, and the Cold War. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 58. ISBN 978-1-137-48711-7. Barring the release of new information, the balance of evidence suggests that while the United States was actively plotting the overthrow of the Qasim regime, it did not appear to be directly involved in the February 1963 coup.

[63] Hahn, Peter (2011). Missions Accomplished?: The United States and Iraq Since World War I. Oxford University Press. p. 48. ISBN 9780195333381. Declassified U.S. government documents offer no evidence to support these suggestions.

[64] Barrett, Roby C. (2007). The Greater Middle East and the Cold War: US Foreign Policy Under Eisenhower and Kennedy. I.B. Tauris. p. 451. ISBN 9780857713087. Washington wanted to see Qasim and his Communist supporters removed, but that is a far cry from Batatu's inference that the U.S. had somehow engineered the coup. The U.S. lacked the operational capability to organize and carry out the coup, but certainly after it had occurred the U.S. government preferred the Nasserists and Ba'athists in power, and provided encouragement and probably some peripheral assistance.

[65] West, Nigel (2017). Encyclopedia of Political Assassinations. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 205. ISBN 9781538102398. Although Qasim was regarded as an adversary by the West, having nationalized the Iraq Petroleum Company, which had joint Anglo-American ownership, no plans had been made to depose him, principally because of the absence of a plausible successor. Nevertheless, the CIA pursued other schemes to prevent Iraq from coming under Soviet influence, and one such target was an unidentified colonel, thought to have been Qasim's cousin, the notorious Fadhil Abbas al-Mahdawi who was appointed military prosecutor to try members of the previous Hashemite monarchy.

[48] Wolfe-Hunnicutt, Brandon (2021). The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq. Stanford University Press. p. 117. ISBN 978-1-5036-1382-9. What really happened in Iraq in February 1963 remains shrouded behind a veil of official secrecy. Many of the most relevant documents remain classified. Others were destroyed. And still others were never created in the first place.

[49] Matthews, Weldon C. (9 November 2011). "The Kennedy Administration, Counterinsurgency, and Iraq's First Ba'thist Regime". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 43 (4): 635–653. doi:10.1017/S0020743811000882. ISSN 1471-6380. S2CID 159490612. Archival sources on the U.S. relationship with this regime are highly restricted. Many records of the Central Intelligence Agency's operations and the Department of Defense from this period remain classified, and some declassified records have not been transferred to the National Archives or cataloged.

[50] Matthews, Weldon C. (9 November 2011). "The Kennedy Administration, Counterinsurgency, and Iraq's First Ba'thist Regime". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 43 (4): 635–653. doi:10.1017/S0020743811000882. ISSN 0020-7438. S2CID 159490612. [Kennedy] Administration officials viewed the Iraqi Ba'th Party in 1963 as an agent of counterinsurgency directed against Iraqi communists, and they cultivated supportive relationships with Ba'thist officials, police commanders, and members of the Ba'th Party militia. The American relationship with militia members and senior police commanders had begun even before the February coup, and Ba'thist police commanders involved in the coup had been trained in the United States.

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[247] A free-access on-line archive relating to U.S.–Iraq relations in the 1980s is offered by The National Security Archive of the George Washington University. It can be read on line at [2]. The Mount Holyoke International Relations Program also provides a free-access document briefing on U.S.–Iraq relations (1904–present); this can be accessed on line at [3] Archived 8 February 2019 at the Wayback Machine.

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[262] For a statement asserting the overriding importance of oil to U.S. national security and the U.S. economy, see, e.g., the declassified document, "Responding to Iraqi Aggression in the Gulf", The White House, National Security Directive (NSD 54), top secret, 15 January 1991. This document can be read on line in George Washington University's National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 21 at [4].

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v t e Saddam Hussein
Biography	17 July Revolution 1979 Ba'ath Party Purge Iran–Iraq War U.S. support Anfal campaign Gulf War 1991 uprisings Human rights record Saddam–al-Qaeda conspiracy theory timeline Capture Interrogation Trial Execution reactions
Books	Zabibah and the King The Fortified Castle Men and the City Begone, Demons Blood Quran
Propaganda	Killing babies Alleged shredder Jumana Hanna
Family	Father: Hussein 'Abid al-Majid Mother: Subha Tulfah al-Mussallat Half-brothers: Watban, Sabawi, and Barzan Wives: Sajida Talfah and Samira Shahbandar Uncle and Father-in-Law: Khairallah Talfah Sons: Uday and Qusay Daughters: Rana, Raghad, and Hala Grandchildren: Mustapha Hussein
Media	Al-ayyam al-tawila House of Saddam South Park The Devil's Double
Category:Saddam Hussein

v t e Arab nationalism
Ideology	Arab socialism Arab-Islamic nationalism Ba'athism Assadism Neo-Ba'athism Saddamism Nasserism Pan-Arabism Third International Theory
History	Arab Revolt Intercommunal conflict in Mandatory Palestine 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine Iraqi Revolt Arab separatism in Khuzestan 1979 Khuzestan insurgency Great Syrian Revolt 1941 Iraqi coup d'état Anglo-Iraqi War Arab–Israeli conflict Suez Crisis Six-Day War War of Attrition Yom Kippur War Israeli–Palestinian conflict 1952 Egyptian revolution Iraqi Intifada Algerian War 14 July Revolution 1959 Mosul uprising 1961 Syrian coup d'état Arab Cold War North Yemen civil war Ramadan Revolution 1963 Syrian coup d'état Dhofar rebellion November 1963 Iraqi coup d'état Aden Emergency 1966 Syrian coup d'état 17 July Revolution 1969 Sudanese coup d'état 1969 Libyan revolution Black September Lebanese Civil War Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict Yemeni unification
Concepts	Arab identity Arab Union Arab world Arabization
Personalities	Butrus al-Bustani Michel Aflaq Jassem Alwan Yasser Arafat Abdul Rahman Arif Abdul Salam Arif Zaki al-Arsuzi Bashar al-Assad Hafez al-Assad Jamal al-Atassi Mansur al-Atrash Sultan al-Atrash Tariq Aziz Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr Ahmed Ben Bella Salah al-Din al-Bitar Izzat Darwaza Faisal I Muammar Gaddafi Rashid Ali al-Gaylani George Habash Sati' al-Husri Hussein bin Ali, King of Hejaz Saddam Hussein Amin al-Husseini Salah Jadid Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi Mostéfa Merarda Gamal Abdel Nasser Adnan Pachachi Ameen Rihani Fuad al-Rikabi Abdullah Rimawi Hamdeen Sabahi Constantin Zureiq
Organizations	Al-Awda Al-Fatat Al-Mourabitoun Arab Ba'ath Arab Ba'ath Movement Arab Federation Arab Higher Committee Arab Islamic Republic Arab Liberation Army Arab Nationalist Movement Arab Socialist Action Party Arab Socialist Union (Egypt) Arab Socialist Union (Iraq) Arab Socialist Union (Libya) Arab Socialist Union Party (Syria) Arabian Peninsula People's Union Army of the Men of the Naqshbandi Order Ba'ath Party Ba'ath Party (Iraqi-dominated faction) Ba'ath Party (Syrian-dominated faction) Fatah Federation of Arab Republics General Military Council for Iraqi Revolutionaries Independence Party (Mandatory Palestine) Islamic Legion Lebanese National Movement National Liberation Front (Algeria) Palestine Liberation Organization Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine Rejectionist Front Supreme Command for Jihad and Liberation Unified Political Command Union of Arab Republics (1972) United Arab Republic United Arab States
Literature	The Arab Awakening The Battle for One Destiny On the Way of Resurrection
Symbolism	Arab Liberation Flag Coat of arms of the United Arab Republic Eagle of Saladin Flag of the Arab Federation Flag of the Arab Revolt Flag of the Federation of Arab Republics Flag of the United Arab Republic Hawk of Quraish Pan-Arab colors
Related topics	Algerian nationalism Egyptian nationalism Greater Mauritania Greater Morocco Greater Syria Greater Yemen Iraqi nationalism Islamism Jordanian nationalism Lebanese nationalism Libyan nationalism Palestinian nationalism Pan-Islamism Sahrawi nationalism Syrian nationalism Tunisian nationalism
Category