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Pōwhiri

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East Timor's ambassador Lisualdo Gaspar (left) accepts the taki during a pōwhiri

A pōwhiri (also called a pōhiri or pōwiri in some dialects) is a formal Māori welcoming ceremony onto a marae, involving speeches, cultural performance, singing and finally the hongi.

Traditionally, the pōwhiri was a way by which the tangata whenua (people of the land) could determine the intentions of manuhiri (visitors), so as to avoid conflict. Pōwhiri is a cultural practice deeply rooted in Māori mythology. The pōwhiri serves the purpose of spiritually clearing a path for communication, so that the two groups can meet in a safe and productive way. The details of the kawa (customs and protocols) of the pōwhiri vary between marae, but the general structure of the ceremony is broadly similar across all iwi.

Pōwhiri are still commonly practised to welcome important guests onto a marae. A pōwhiri may not be performed for every group of manuhiri or in all circumstances; the mihi whakatau is a similar but less formal welcome that may be used instead. A pōwhiri is often used to welcome the tūpāpaku (the body of the deceased) onto a marae before a tangihanga (funeral). Pōwhiri are also often performed for tourist groups and as part of special events.

Process

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Mana Whenua performing a welcome for Ed Sheeran's visit to New Zealand in 2018

While the general form of the pōwhiri is fairly consistent in across different tribal groups, specific details vary between iwi, hapū and individual marae.[1]

In te reo Māori, the visitors to a marae are referred to as manuhiri,[2] while the people of the marae are referred to as tangata whenua (people of the land),[3][4] mana whenua (those with the power of the land),[5] or hunga kāinga (the people that live in the area).[6]

Gathering of the manuhiri

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Before the pōwhiri begins, the manuhiri gather at the entrance of the marae.[7][8][9] The entrance of marae vary widely; at some there may be a carved ornamental gate or pou (standing post), at others there may simply be a marker stone, or even nothing at all.[10] Some marae feature a small waiting whare (building) or shelter, and they may even have toilets available for the convenience of the manuhiri.

The period of time before the pōwhiri begins is often an opportunity for the manuhiri to greet each other,[11][9] and discuss who will perform the various roles during the pōwhiri.[7][8][11][9] If a koha (gift to the hosts) has not been previously organised, contributions may be collected from the manuhiri at this time.[7][8] The koha is usually passed to the final person who is planned to speak on behalf of the manuhiri.[12][9]

Wero

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A warrior lays down the wero for the Governor-General during Waitangi Day commemorations at Ōnuku in 2019

The wero is an initial challenge made to the manuhiri. 'Wero' refers to the "throwing of a spear".[13][14] Not all pōwhiri begin with a wero, though they are common for guests of extremely high mana (stature), such as visiting foreign dignatories or government representatives.[15][16] The original purpose of the wero was for the tangata whenua to confirm the peaceful intentions of the manuhiri.[16][9][17] Warriors were dispatched to meet the approaching outsiders, and test whether they came in peace.[15][14] Today, the wero is a symbolic ceremony.[15]

In the wero, male warriors of the tangata whenua make a ritual challenge to the manuhiri. The warriors may perform a haka (war dance), and adopt a threatening stance in a line, with weapons such as taiaha (spears). A warrior of the tangata whenua will come forward, and place on the ground a taki, which is a token.[16] The taki usually takes the form of a small branch with leaves (often mānuka),[16] or in some places a carved ceremonial dart.[18][14] The position of the taki can be significant, as an indicator of whether the manuhiri can expect a warm welcome, or not.[18] While the challenge is issued, the manuhiri must wait quietly for an opportunity to signal their intentions.

United Kingdom Foreign Secretary William Hague picks up the taki during a state visit in 2011

In highly formal settings, there may be three warriors who come forward to issue the wero, one after another.[9] The first is called the rakau whakaara (warning challenger), the second is the rakau takoto, and the third is the rakau whakawaha.[18] In each case, once the wero has been placed, the warrior retreats some short distance to observe the manuhiri. Once placed, one of the most honoured male[18][14][9] members of manuhiri approaches, and picks up the taki.[14] It is important during this process that the manuhiri representative maintains eye contact with the tangata whenua warrior; for this reason, the manuhiri usually lowers himself into a squat while picking up the taki, rather than bending over.

Once the final taki has been picked up by a representative of the manuhiri, the final warrior—the rakau whakawaha—will turn their back to the manuhiri, point their taiaha toward the marae, and begin to lead the procession of the manuhiri onto the marae.[18][16]

Karanga and whakaeke

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The kaikaranga often wears black, as a sign of mourning for the spirits of the dead

The whakaeke (formal procession) onto the marae begins with the karanga (call)[19] from the tangata whenua. The karanga takes the form of a wailing chant,[20] and is typically performed by a mature woman (or group of women)[21] of high standing within the marae;[22][23] the person in this role is called kaikaranga.[24][25][19] The beginning of the karanga signals to the manuhiri that they should begin walking onto the marae grounds. Typically, women and children lead the procession of the manuhiri onto the marae grounds,[26] though in some areas the men may lead the procession.[8][27] The group of proceeding manuhiri are referred to as the ope.[28]

The karanga is not a prescribed waiata (song); rather, the words of the melodic chant are determined by the caller. The lyrical contents of the karanga usually refer specifically to the manuhiri; inviting them to approach, asking them questions about the purpose of their visit, honouring them and their ancestors, and sharing information about the whakapapa (ancestry and history) of the marae itself.[29] The karanga will typically also include a welcome or farewell to the spirits of the dead.[29][17] The karanga may involve a type of ceremonial dance called pōwhiri, in which the women of the marae rhythmically shake their hands to wave aside the spiritual aspects of the marae, and permit the manuhiri to enter the physical space.[30][31]

In more highly formal protocol—typically when the visitors include someone of very high mana—a kaikaranga from manuhiri (called a kaikaranga whakautu or kaiwhakautu)[8][29] also walks near the front of the procession of manuhiri to answer the call of the tangata whenua kaikaranga. In this way, the kaikaranga of the tangata whenua and that of the manuhiri call back and forth to each other as the manuhiri approach the marae ātea (meeting ground).[22][17] However, for modern pōwhiri the manuhiri are often not expected to respond with their own karanga, or the marae may send a kaikaranga whakautu of their own to serve in the role for them.[32][33] In formal protocol when the karanga is a call-and-response there may be as many as three rounds of call back and forth between the hosts and the guests. The final karanga (the karanga whakatau, or settling karanga)[34] is delivered by the kaikaranga of the tangata whenua, and acknowledges that the guests and hosts now stand on common ground.[34] It may invite the manuhiri to take their seats.[35]

The historic purpose of the karanga was to alert the people of settlement that outsiders were approaching, so they could gather together to welcome them, or defend themselves.[22] It was also used to confirm that the visitors had peaceful intentions.[36] In Māori mythology, the karanga serves as an acknowledgement of the ancestors of the marae and of the guests, and of the spirits of the dead.[32] To this end, the karanga may invite the manuhiri to pause as they entire the marae grounds, to acknowledge the ancestors and those who have died.[34][37][30] The karanga establishes the tapu (need to be respected) of the gathering.[23] It also acts as an invitation to the various atua (gods), tīpuna (ancestors), and the spirits of sacred natural features like mountains and rivers to witness the arrival of the guests.[23] For this reason, the karanga is a highly tapu process, and it is usually a role reserved only for women of very high mana on the marae, who have the spiritual strength to speak to these entities.

Fundamentally, the karanga embodies the mana of the marae.[21] It is the first communication between the tangata whenua and the manuhiri, and it unites them in both the physical and spiritual space.[38] It is such a highly significant part of the process, that if a woman with mana is not present (or willing) to issue the karanga, the later steps cannot proceed.[21]

Haka pōwhiri

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Main article: Haka

The haka pōwhiri is a haka (war dance) that may be performed by the warriors of the tangata whenua during or just after the karanga.[39] Rather than being a mark of aggression, this haka is rooted in the tradition of helping the manuhiri to draw ashore their waka (canoes). In this way, the haka can be seen as the symbolic "drawing in" of the manuhiri safely onto the "shore" of the marae.[39][40] The haka pōwhiri is not always performed, and is most commonly seen at pōwhiri for highly dignified visitors.

Whaikōrero and waiata

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Jymal Morgan delivers the whaikōrero on behalf of Ngāi Tahu during Waitangi Day commemorations at Ōnuku marae in 2025. Other speakers sit behind him on the paepae (speaker's bench).

The whaikōrero is the formal speech-making of the hui (meeting). The whaikōrero may take place inside the whare, or outside on the marae ātea. If held indoors, the manuhiri stop to remove their shoes before entering the whare.[41][30] Seating is usually arranged such that the manuhiri and the tangata whenua are facing one another.[22] It is important that both groups be seated at the same level, such that speakers face one-another eye-to-eye. In most cases, women sit behind the men, and speakers sit at the front.[30] The paepae is the bench on which the tangata whenua speakers sit. Paepae can also refer to the covered seating at the front of the meeting house; for outdoor hui this may be reserved for particularly significant people, such as the Governor-General, the Kingitanga, or highly respected kaumatua (elders).

The speakers of the whaikōrero are called kaikōrero, and the role is typically an honour afforded to people with particularly high mana. The tangata whenua can refuse an individual the right to speak, though this is rare.[42] Whaikōrero are exclusively performed in te reo Māori.[43] During a typical whaikōrero the speaker may greet the whare, the marae, the land on which they stand, nearby mountains and rivers, the people to whom they are speaking, and the spirits of the dead.[44] Once the mihi (greetings) are completed, the purpose of the meeting will be addressed.[44] After each speech, a waiata is usually sung to support the speaker.[45][46][47]

The final manuhiri speaker will end their speech by placing the koha on the ground before the tangata whenua.[48][49] This will be picked up and accepted by the final tangata whenua speaker,[50][49] who always speaks after the manuhiri.[48] Spiritually this is an important part of the process, as it ensures that the mauri (life force) of the marae returns to tangata whenua, and does not leave with the manuhiri when they leave.[48][51] A final karanga may be performed before the koha is picked up, to welcome the gift.[52][49] Protocols around the picking up of the koha vary between marae.[52]

Whaikōrero is an art, as well as something of a competition, in which each side attempts to one-up the other with the quality of their oratory and message.[53] Speakers may gesture with walking sticks, or weapons such as axes and taiaha.[53] Silently walking up and down, as well as performative ducking and turning, may be used to add emphasis to parts of the speech.[10] Even today, the whaikōrero can be a quite robust debate. For example, during the pōwhiri for Te Matatini in 2023, leaders from Tainui and Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei debated who had the right to be called mana whenua (those with the power of the land) in Tāmaki Makaurau (Auckland).[54]

Kawa

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The term kawa refers to the specific protocols of the marae, and these vary between regions, and even within iwi. Broadly, however, the kawa fall into two categories.

Pāeke

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Under the pāeke kawa (also sometimes called pā harakeke or taiāwhio), the tangata whenua give all of their speeches one after the other, before inviting the manuhiri to make their speeches.[55][56][50][22][57] Once the manuhiri speakers are finished, a speaker from the tangata whenua will speak last.[55][56]

Tū mai, tū atu

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Under the tū mai, tū atu kawa (also sometimes called tau utuutu, tau hokohoko, or whakawhiti), the tangata whenua and manuhiri alternate speeches, beginning and ending with a speaker from the tangata whenua.[58][59][50][22][57] Depending on the number of speakers, the tangata whenua may yield the mauri of the marae to the manuhiri to balance the speeches.[59]

Hongi

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Governor-General Dame Patsy Reddy exchanges a hongi with Kuia Dr Hiria Hape during a pōwhiri at her swearing-in ceremony

The final part of the pōwhiri process is the hongi. This is where a physical connection is made between the manuhiri and tangata whenua. In this process, the manuhiri will cross to the paepae and file past the tangata whenua, shaking hands (harirū) and pressing noses or foreheads together.[60][61][62] The gesture of hongi represents several things; to some it represents the sharing of the breath of life, to others it represents sharing of thoughts.[63][64]

The spiritual importance of the hongi is that it connects the two groups physically. This completes the process of the pōwhiri, by lifting the state of tapu that was created when the karanga began.[65][64] By physically touching the tangata whenua, the manuhiri become noa (common, or normal),[46] essentially joining to become members of the tangata whenua for the duration of the visit.[65][64] In recent years—particularly after the COVID-19 pandemic—some marae have adjusted their tikanga (protocol) to require only handshakes,[46] fistbumps or elbow-touches for the hongi.[66]

Once the tapu has been lifted, the manuhiri are free to move around the marae.[67] From then on, they are no longer waewae tapu (first-time visitors), and are accorded many of the same privileges accorded to tangata whenua for the duration of their stay.[67] In future, they may now be permitted to enter the marae without a pōwhiri.[67] Once the pōwhiri is completed, the way is clear for more general business of the hui to be discussed. This is known as the whakawhiti kōrero (discussion) and may be conducted in English or te reo Māori, depending on the nature of the business.[68]

Kai hākari

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A pōwhiri may conclude with a feast, that may include hāngī

After the formal procedure of the pōwhiri is completed, the people may be called to the wharekai (food hall) to share a meal.[69][70][47][62] For some iwi, the sharing of food is important to lift the tapu of the pōwhiri.[69][71][62] Depending on the significance of the occasion, the meal may be a substantial feast involving hāngī, or a more modest morning tea.[70][71]

Spiritual significance

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Spiritually the pōwhiri represents the coming-together of two different groups of people. The formal proceeding has the purpose of "clearing a pathway" for a constructive and safe discussion, without the risk of spiritual impediments or "evil spirits".[72] It also serves to "settle" the parties, so that the work of the meeting can be completed.

The process of the pōwhiri is rooted in Māori mythology. Various atua are associated with parts of the pōwhiri and the marae. For example, Tūmatauenga, the god of war, is associated with the challenge of the wero.[73] The marae ātea is sometimes referred to as the Te-Tūmatauenga-o-Tu-te-ihiihi (the standing place of the god of war).[74] Contentious kōrero, as far as including insults, may be considered permissible on the ātea for this reason.[74][36] The whare tīpuna (ancestral house) of the marae is considered the domain of Rongomātāne, the god of peace, and therefore the language used within the building is usually expected to be more polite and conciliatory.[74][36] This separation of war and peace is similarly the reason for the removal of shoes when entering the whare; this is to prevent dust from the house of war entering the house of peace.[55]

Mihi whakatau

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A mihi whakatau is a less formal welcoming ceremony. The process of a mihi whakatau may include many aspects of a pōwhiri, but the protocol is somewhat relaxed.[75][76]

A key difference between a pōwhiri and mihi whakatau is usually (but not always) the absence of the karanga, calling the manuhiri into the meeting place. For some iwi, a true karanga can only take place under the mana of an ancestral marae, and so would be inappropriate to perform elsewhere.[77][72] If a mihi whakatau involves a karanga, it may be modified to a more generic call of welcome that does not invoke the spirits of the dead; this can enable younger women or even young girls to issue it. By modifying or omitting the karanga, the spiritual tapu of the meeting is not established, and therefore other protocols can be relaxed. This can enable the speeches to be made in English, or by a woman, or for the welcome to take place somewhere other than a marae, such as a convention centre or a school hall. For this reason, a mihi whakatau may be a way to safely incorporate elements of te ao Māori into a non-Māori context, without devaluing the traditional importance of a pōwhiri, or engaging in tokenism.[72]

The mihi whakatau serves the same purpose as the full pōwhiri; it establishes the whanaungatanga (relationship of shared experience) between two groups. Mihi whakatau may be conducted to begin conferences,[78] or to welcome new students to a school.[79] The term may also be applied to other forms of welcome, such as the introductory preface to a book.

Role in tangihanga

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Pōwhiri are a common feature of tangihanga (funerals). During a tangihanga, the tūpāpaku (body of the deceased) is transported to the marae. In te ao Māori, death is a highly tapu subject; therefore it is important that a pōwhiri is performed to welcome the deceased onto the marae. The karanga calls the spirits of other dead ancestors to the marae, so that the spirit of the recently dead may join them.[80]

Criticism

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Role of women

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Historically in many iwi, women have not had the right to speak during the whaikōrero, or to accept the taki during the wero, and are expected to sit behind the men during the whaikōrero. These aspects of kawa are still in practice in many places today. Some iwi, such as Ngāti Porou, do accept the right of women to stand and whaikōrero;[81] though, as it is for men, this right is only afforded to women with sufficient mana.[82] Women are typically permitted to speak during the general discussions that occur after the formal pōwhiri has completed; the prohibition does not usually extend to general conversation outside the formality of the pōwhiri.[48]

The prohibition on women speaking has been a point of controversy in modern times. At Waitangi Day in 2021, Judith Collins—at the time, leader of the New Zealand National Party—complained that she was not permitted to speak during the formal welcome onto the Waitangi Treaty Grounds, describing the tradition as "sexist".[83][84] This comment came in spite of the prime minister Jacinda Ardern—also a woman—speaking during the same event.[84] Collins has complained about what she perceives as the "sexism" of the pōwhiri as far back as mid-2000s. In 2006 she and fellow female politicians Anne Tolley and Paula Bennett walked out of a pōwhiri, after being rebuked by a kaumatua for sitting in the front with the men.[85] At the time she said she felt she was being treated as a "second class guest" and that as a member of parliament, her gender should be irrelevant to where she sits.[86] It later transpired that Child, Youth and Family—who were hosting the pōwhiri—in fact had a policy that women were permitted to sit at the front.[85] Prime minister Helen Clark described Collins' behaviour during the pōwhiri as "boorish".[85]

Hiwi Tauroa asserted that to interpret the role of women in the pōwhiri as "female suppression", one must evaluate the process solely from a non-Māori perspective.[87] In te ao Māori, the tapu and mana of a woman demands that she not be targeted with abusive speech, which can occur as part of the whaikōrero; for this reason they are not permitted to speak, lest they be responded to in abusive way.[87] He also points to the other critical roles in the pōwhiri that can only be performed by women, particularly the karanga and the waiata. These roles arise from the high tapu placed on women on the marae, which grant them some supremacy over men.[81] Through these roles, women can assert significant control over proceedings. For example, a woman may terminate a speech that she considers to have gone on too long by beginning the closing waiata, or walking in front of the speaker.[81] Similarly, the karanga can only be issued by a woman. Therefore, if a woman is unwilling to welcome the manuhiri for some reason, the pōwhiri cannot even begin, and the manuhiri must remain outside.[38] In this way, the karanga embodies the mana wāhine (power of the woman).[88]

Georgina Stewart echoes Tauroa's intepretation of the role of women in the pōwhiri. She argues that the accusation of sexism stems from non-Māori ignorance of Māori culture.[83] The interpretation of Māori culture by non-Māori—and attempts to "box-tick" Māori culture into non-Māori contexts—leads to a misinterpretation of the role of women in the space.[83] Ultimately, she rejects feminist criticism of the pōwhiri as another example of colonisation; the imposition of western cultural beliefs onto Māori.[83] In a review of Māori reactions to non-Māori claims of sexism, Katherine Curchin concludes that Māori women overwhelming reject such criticism, as they understand it to be an attack from the outside on the Māori worldview.[86] Even Māori women who themselves are internally critical of the restrictions on women in the pōwhiri, often reject the same criticism when it comes from outsiders.[86]

The role of women in the pōwhiri has been gradually changing in modern times, with women taking on more speaking roles in the pōwhiri.[82] Since the 1990s, female dignatories—particularly the Prime Minister—have been increasingly permitted to speak at Waitangi. Some Māori women have strongly criticised the prohibition on women speaking, particularly when the right has been afforded to non-Māori women but not Māori women. Mere Mangu of Ngāpuhi has often stood and given a whaikōrero on the Waitangi Treaty grounds, in direct opposition to the tikanga of the iwi.[89] In 2024, women had speaking roles in the pōwhiri ceremonies that occurred at Waitangi.[90]

Right-wing criticism

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During the 2005 New Zealand general election, Don Brash, leader of the New Zealand National Party and later founder of anti-Māori lobby group Hobson's Pledge, criticised the use of pōwhiri in welcoming international visitors:

I mean, I think there is a place for Maori culture but why is it that we always use a semi-naked male, sometimes quite pale-skinned Māori, leaping around in, you know, mock battle?[91]

In April 2013 right-wing Danish Marie Krarup MP who visited New Zealand called a pōwhiri she experienced "grotesque".[92] Colin Craig, the-then leader of the Conservative Party, sided with her statement by saying no visitors should have to face a "bare-bottomed native making threatening gestures" if they didn't want to.[93]

References

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Citations

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