Latial culture

Main article: Latins (Italic tribe)

Latial culture

Hut urn and pottery, Museo Nazionale Romano
Geographical range	Central Italy: Latium
Period	Early Iron Age
Dates	c. 900 BC – c. 700 BC
Preceded by	Proto-Villanovan culture, Urnfield culture, Apennine culture
Followed by	Roman Kingdom

The Latial culture ranged approximately over ancient Old Latium. The Apennine culture of Latium transitioned smoothly into the Latial with no evidence of an intrusive population movement. The population generally abandoned sites of purely economic advantage in favor of defensible sites which later became cities. The term pre-urban is used for this era. The population movement to more defensible sites may indicate an increase in marauding. The Iron Age Latial culture is associated with the processes of formation of the Latins, the culture was likely therefore to represent a phase of the socio-political self-consciousness of the Latin tribe, during the period of the kings of Alba Longa and the foundation of the Roman Kingdom.

Latial culture is identified by their hut-shaped burial urns. Urns of the Proto-Villanovan culture are plain and biconical and were buried in a deep shaft. The hut urn is a round or square model of a hut with a peaked roof. The interior is accessed by a door on one of its sides. Cremation was practiced as well as burial. The style is distinctive. The hut urns were miniature versions of the huts in which the population lived, although during this period they also developed the use of stone for temples and other public buildings.

Chronology

The chronology of the Latial culture alongside various contemporaneous Iron or Bronze Ages cultures.

Latial chronology according to the Italian archaeologist Luca Alessandri.

Rendition of Latial chronology by R. Ross Holloway.

Account of the modern and traditional chronologies of Latial society by Gabriele Cifani.

Giovanni Pinza, an Italian archaeologist, initially identified two periods based upon the material culture of the tombs in the Esquiline or the Forum. The first period—which corresponds to Latial I-III—was marked by the lack of Greek imports or light-ground pottery. Conversely, the second period—which corresponds to Latial IVA-IVB—was defined by the presence of such goods. Later work building upon Pinza's research identified further periods of Latial history, most of which were defined based upon changes in Latial pottery styles. The standard periodization based on pottery is accepted as standard with little variation; however, a tolerance of ±25 years is implied.

The archaeologist Einar Gjerstad argued that pottery typology can be an unreliable source for establishing chronology, as—according to Gjerstad—attempts to catalogue the standard styles of a particular period excessively simplify the smaller-scale variations in technique between different workshops and craftsmen, who will naturally develop their own personalized art styles that combine individual input with inspiration from preceding periods. More recent work based on dendrochronology has indicated a need to revise some periodization, with preserved timbers indicating that the traditional chronology may be some fifty years later out of sync with the rest of Europe; this raises some difficulty inasmuch as the timbers' dates disagree with pottery's dates.

The first period of the Latial culture corresponds with the remains of the Proto-Villanovan culture, which is itself dated to around 1200-900 BCE. Based purely upon material culture, the first period of Latial society is distinguished by the usage of undecorated pottery, the appearance of the hut urn, and the predilection for cremation burials. Utilizing a set of such cremation burials from Rome, the approximate time period of the first Latial period can be carbon dated to the 11th-10th centuries BCE. From Latial I–II, inhumation gradually replaced cremation as the main funerary rite.

Carbon dating of period II inhumation burials from Rome suggests that the second Latial period dates from the 10th-9th centuries BCE. Most of the graves from the cemetery of Gabii can be assigned to the Latial culture IIA1 and IIB2 based on their grave goods and, moreover, carbon dating suggests that they belonged to the 9th-century BCE. Period II is characterized by the usage of simple patterns to decorate pottery and the presence of thickened bow fibulae within female burials. The distinction between Latial periods IIA and IIB was initially postulated by the German archaeologist Hermann Müller-Karpe on the basis of differences in pottery typology between the Esquiline and the Forum necropolises during period II. Karpe argued that they likely belonged to separate periods of Latial history and, consequently, distinct stages of Latial pottery style. Alternatively, the discrepancies in pottery production may reflect the various techniques of different, albeit contemporary, workshops.

The second and third periods corresponds with the Villanovan culture in Etruria. According to the archeologist R. Ross Holloway, period II in the chronology of Veii likely is contemporaneous with period III in Latial chronology, as both succeed the Proto-Villanovan culture. Holloway proposes that, given numerous pottery artifacts from Veii date to after 750 BCE, the end of Latial IIB and the beginning of period III can also be estimated to have occurred around 750. However, this chronological assessment is contradicted by the results of the carbon dating samples from the hut at Fidene. The material culture of this hut prompts an identification with the end of the Latial period IIB or the beginning of period III, although the results of carbon dating indicate that it could not be dated after 820 BCE. Additional evidence from Satricum corroborates the dating of the early Latial III period to late 9th and early 8th centuries BCE. Two huts at the site which include pottery generally associated with the Latial period III also both contain charcoal samples that—based on carbon dating—allow the assignment of one hut to the 9th-century BCE and another hut to the period between 830-790 BCE.

Period	Date BC (Cornell)	Date BC (Lomas)	Phase
Latial I	1000-900	1085–1020	Pre-urban (Late Bronze Age)
Latial IIA	900-830	1020–950	Pre-urban (Early Iron Age)
Latial IIB	830-770	950–880	Proto-urban (Early Iron Age)
Latial III	770-730	880–750	Proto-urban (Early Iron Age)
Latial IVA	730-630		Proto-urban (Early and middle orientalizing)
Latial IVB	630-580		Archaic urban (Late orientalizing)

Urbanization

Reconstruction of an Iron Age hut in Fidenae

Urban development in Latium Vetus and Etruria according to the Rank-Size model.

Size of Latial settlements across the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age

Sites in the vicinity of Rome organized according to walking distance from rivers.

Emergence of settlements within the vicinity of Rome from the Middle Bronze Age to the Republican era.

Organization of Latial settlements during the Roma-Colli Albini Period IIB according to Alessandri. The arrows connect settlements belonging to the same polity. The pink signifies hierarchical polities while the blue represents federative polities.

Little of the architecture of ancient Latium remains, as the construction materials utilized during this period—rammed earth, mud bricks, lumber—were vulnerable to decay. Surviving material from Latial houses during periods I and II indicate a lack of masonry techniques; instead, oval wattle and daub huts with diameters rarely greater than 20 feet (6.1 m) with thatched roofs were common. Pottery of the period was produced likely at the household level using coil techniques, as the pottery wheel was not introduced until the eighth century BC. Due to the lack of kilns, soft clay of the period also was heated in open flame, leading to a black and sooty appearance. Specialized skills other than metal working were non-existent. The early Latial period is characterized by small villages, typically located on hilltops or open-plains, with populations likely less than a few hundred. During the Bronze Age, numerous communities formed around the Alban Hills, likely due to the extreme fertility of the soil and the multitude of streams in the area, which provided convenient sources of water. Based on this trend, it has been presumed that the Alban Hills may have functioned as the center of urbanization in Old Latium during the Bronze Age.

From around 650 BC onwards, masonry on stone foundations with tiled roofing began to appear in central Italy, although, shortly after this development—in certain areas—older huts continued to exist alongside newer stone structures. Grave goods also began disappearing across Italy, which likely reflects the close of an Orientalizing period from c. 580 BC. Monumental temples started to be constructed, including the Temple of Minerva at Lavinium and the Temple of Mater Matuta at Satricum. These shifts likely reflected the creation of city-states under Greek influence, along with the development of metalworking and ceramics joined with population growth and higher levels of agricultural production. According to the archaeologist Charlotte R. Potts, architectural and technological development in Latium was at least partially influenced by migrant Greek architects and craftsmen, who may have been specifically enticed to immigrate by Latial aristocrats seeking to emulate the culture of the Greek world.

Over the course of the Middle Bronze Age, 86% of settlements within the vicinity of Rome were abandoned. In the ensuing Early Iron Age, within the same region, 78% of settlements were newly formed within the era. Based on this data, Fulminante concludes that there must have been a radical shift in Latial settlement organization around this period. Beginning in the 10th-9th centuries BCE, the first proto-urban centers began to form in Latium, near-unilaterally around large plateau areas characterized by fertile soil and access to roads or rivers. Typically, the plateaus were situated near acropolises that had previously been inhabited during the Bronze Age. From periods IIIA-IIIB, the plateau areas became increasingly densely populated, while the surrounding communities were abandoned. Fulminante interprets this trend as evidence of the development of perceived territorial boundaries for proto-urban sites, which became more officially marked by the creation of fortifications around the settlement.

The traditional framework for conceptualizing urbanization in central Italy maintains that Etruria underwent an abrupt shift towards proto-urban settlements whereas Latium adopted proto-urban sites more slowly. However, this trend was not uniform across either Latium or Etruria. For instance, it is likely that the two Bronze Age settlements on the Palatine and the Capitoline had already coalesced into a single proto-urban city by the Early Iron Age, at the same time when most other Latial communities had only begun the process of urbanization. Fulminante argues that the traditional view likely only holds true in a broad sense, although it does not fully account for the nuances of each settlement's individual development.

The archaeologist Alessandro Guidi attempted to analyze Latial urbanization utilizing the Rank-Size model, an empirical system premised upon Zipf's Law that examines the connection between the size and the rank of a settlement. The model obeys the formula P_n=(P1/n) where P_n represents the population of a community according to its rank n and P1 represents the population of the largest town. In other words, the equation states that the population of a given town is equivalent to the population of the largest settlement divided by its rank. However, the efficacy of the model is hampered by the difficulty of acquiring precise data regarding the necessary variables for Latial towns. Consequently, Guidi could—at most—calculate the size of the local acropolis for 10th-century BCE sites, although Guidi could—in certain circumstances—calculate the size of the entire region for 9th-8th century BCE sites. Moreover, Guidi discounts sites with unmeasurable sizes, which includes most seaside towns and settlements situated within plains. Guidi, however, considers their exclusion negligible as the majority of these sites—according to Guidi—were too small to significantly affect the data or to pass the minimum size threshold required for designation as a settlement.

Nevertheless, plotting the common logarithms of this data reveals—during the Bronze Age—a convex distribution, although—beginning during period II—the graph trends towards lognormality. Guidi compares these results to the research of the anthropologist Gregory Johnson, who noted a correlation between the convexity of rank-size graphs and low settlement integration (i.e. societies characterized by disparate, somewhat autonomous settlements with little economic ties) among various other eras of history, such as the early Aztec civilization (c. 1350) or the Early Dynastic III period in Mesopotamia (c. 2800 BCE). Classicist Adam Ziółkowski doubts the reliability of such a comparison, noting that the metrics provided by Johnson were designed for entirely distinct cultures and time period, and are henceforth not necessarily comparable to Old Latium. Regardless, Fulminante, citing the same trend as Guidi, argues that the decreasing convexity of the graph implies a shift from a settlement dynamic defined by low-integration during the Bronze Age to a system marked by high-integration over the course of the Iron Age.

By the 9th-century BCE, a system of settlement organization in which smaller systems—below 15-20 hectares in size—were situated around larger settlements, usually around 40-50 hectares in size, although examples of settlements between 25-50 hectares are known. Burial grounds scattered throughout Latium attest to, around the mid-8th-century BCE another tier in the settlement system: small-scale, rural communities that were likely populated primarily by upper-class individuals. The growth of these aristocratic communities may explain the dramatic increase in the number of inhabited areas in Latium during the Orientalizing period.

Mathematical analysis of Orientalizing and Archaic era settlements performed by Fulminante utilizing raster graphics also indicates a multi-layered settlement distribution organized around central cities, which were—in this study—defined as sites larger than 25 hectares. The first layer, comprising the immediate surroundings of cities, consisted of farms and homestead that were typically concentrated within a kilometer of a nearby city. The second layer, located one to two kilometers outside of a city, included Villages B—defined as towns sized between one and four hectares. Villages B were also often situated three to four kilometers from cities and were also surrounded by farmers and homesteads within a kilometer of their borders. Consequently, the third layer once more included farms and settlements and the fourth layer consisted of Villages B. Finally, Villages A—defined as towns sized between 1,000 square meters and one hectare—occupied the fringes of Latial settlement distribution; they were usually situated between 0.5-1 kilometers from Villages B. Fulminante notes that the distances between the communities fall below the minimum two-three-kilometer threshold for the radius of stable settlements within a mixed dryland farming society as outlined by John Bintliff. The insufficiently large radii of settlement territory may—according to Fulminante—may reflect overpopulation or limited resource availability.

Based on the application of social network analysis to Latial society, Fulminante concluded that control over trade networks and proximity to numerous neighbors were among the most important factors spurring the growth of the primary settlements within Latial political hierarchies. Moreover, architectural investigation of Latial sites indicates that most sizeable Latial settlements were situated on an important trade route, thereby necessitating travel through the community. For instance, the medial position of Latium between Etruria and Campania provided Latial communities such as Rome with the opportunity to capitalize on commerce between the two regions. Alessandri suggests that a site near trade routes may have allowed for the influx of currency to a specific settlement, thereby providing a financial basis for the consolidation of power.

According to the archaeologist Luca Alessandri, the system of hierarchical settlement organization may have developed earlier—perhaps around the Final Bronze Age period 1/2. Alessandri cites the presence of smaller settlements situated around Rome and Ficana during this period. Moreover, Alessandri notes that the settlements of Pelliccione and Le Grottacce likely produced salt through briquetage, probably utilizing pottery manufactured in, and thus imported from, a different community. Alessandri argues that these towns were likely organized around this hypothetical production center, which he identifies with Casale Nuovo, an area that contained Mycenaean pottery imports. This system, according to Alessandri, attests to a hierarchical arrangement in which larger settlements held authority of smaller ones. Other Latial cities were organized into groups of similar-sized communities located in close proximity to each other. According to Alessandri, this layout suggests that these towns were organized into collective leagues of settlements in which each individual community held a roughly equal rank.

Ziółkowski argues that many smaller communities protected by an agger—a type of defensive earthwork—may have functioned independently, noting that such a structure indicates the local settlement was organized and capable of coordinating the resources necessary for the construction project. Other archaeologists, such as Marco Pacciarelli, interpret settlement size as the primary indicator of settlement power and, consequently, consider many settlements guarded by an agger to be fortified border towns subordinate to larger cities. However, Ziółkowski argues that assessing the autonomy or significance of a settlement based upon its size is inherently fallacious, as even small settlements can remain independent as long as they are capable of defending themselves. Furthermore, Ziółkowski notes that attempts to categorize Latial settlements according to size are often inconsistent. For instance, Pacciarelli proposed a size requirement of 15 hectares for a community to be considered autonomous. Nevertheless, he designates the settlements of Ariccia, Lanuvium, Tusculum, and Velitrae as independent despite failing to reach the minimum required size.

Hierarchization

Changes in the display of social status through burial goods across Latial chronology.

The archaeologist Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri argues that—during the first period—the settlement of Osteria likely lacked a centralized administrative body and was instead governed by multiple autonomous kinship groups. Sestieri premises her analysis upon the distinctions in the material culture of each group, indicating that—although they maintained a broadly similar identity—they expressed a certain degree independence. Moreover, these grave clusters are spatially separated from each other, further corroborating the notion that they bore a sense of sovereignty. Although this period of Latial history can be characterized as somewhat "egalitarian", there was still likely a certain level of social differentiation and hierarchy within each kinship group, as evidenced by the existence of wealthier burials marked by more ostentatious burial goods.

Grave goods from Latial necropolises indicate that, during periods II and III, Latial society was generally impoverished. Goods gradually became more developed over time, but within any one time were relatively uniform, indicating relatively low levels of wealth inequality. Nevertheless, the classicist Gary Forsythe argues that this economic development, however incremental, may still have motivated the concurrent social shifts during the third Latial period. Among the Latial III burials from Osteria, there is a grave situated within the center of a funerary cluster that belongs to an older male who was entombed with a life-sized—not miniature—weapon. The inclusion of an older male in such a prominent role contrasts with the prior periods at Osteria, during which time the powerful or prestigious positions were largely reserved for young adult men, perhaps as older or younger individuals were considered physically unfit. It is possible that this aberrance reflects a shift in the political system of Latial society, as physical prowess may have no longer constituted a necessary prerequisite for authority.

According to Fulminante, Latial society during period II may have followed a "corporate" mode of organization, which may have falsely presented a sense of egalitarianism that concealed the hierarchical nature of the contemporary Latial culture. The distinction between "corporate" and "network" societies was first established by the archaeologist Gary M. Feinman—originally for the purpose of describing Mesoamerican civilizations. Feinman identified "corporate" type societies as characterized by more even distributions of wealth and power, an emphasis on group-identity, and an economy centered around food production. "Network" societies are defined by the concentration of wealth in a smaller group of elites who emphasize displays of prestige and self-aggrandizement. During period II, Latial society was marked by a diverse spread of status markers (i.e. weapons or weaving tools) throughout the funerary record, itself indicative of a relatively wide distribution of power. Furthermore, the presence of food storage containers—such as jars or barrels—in period II graves, may attest to an economy based upon food production. Another aspect of "corporate" societies—the significance of group identity—may also be represented by the organization of period II burials into clusters of related tombs that likely belonged to the same kinship group. Feinman proposes that the centralization of a society is not necessarily related to hierarchization and, consequently, that a high or low level of centralization does not indicate a correlated level of stratification. Fulminante suggests that the same may hold true for Old Latium: The Latial culture, during period II, may have been stratified despite the seemingly dispersed and decentralized social structure.

The archaeologists Matthew Naglak and Nic Terrenato argue that the prohibition of intramural adult burials following the 9th-century BCE was likely the first instance of a societal or political action enacted collective by entire Latial settlements. According to Naglak and Terrenato, such a decision would require the mutual willingness of all individual house groups to actively obey the new regulations on burials, indicating the beginnings of community-wide decision-making. These same scholars propose that the origin of communal decision-making in Latium was likely related to concerns regarding the safety of the settlement. They argue that Latial clans were incentivized to unify into a single proto-urban center to provide themselves with protection from the intertribal raiding commonplace throughout Bronze Age Latium. The formation of the first proto-urban sites would have necessitated a shared agreement regarding the demarcation of the territory, a decision that possibly—according to Naglak and Terrenato—related to the territorial prescriptions concerning intramural inhumation. Naglak and Terrenato note that the territory suitable for adult inhumations and the land reserved for infant burials is similar to the boundary upon which defensive fortifications were later established around cities, perhaps indicating that the origins of communal decision-making in Latium were related to concerns regarding the protection of the settlement.

Gilded silver bowl from the Bernardini tomb.

Social stratification became more apparent in the archaeological record by the end of the 8th-century and during the 7th-century BCE, at which time new types of "princely" burials appeared that were characterized by lavish accoutrements. Trade with other Mediterranean cultures prompted the rising visibility of hierarchy within the archaeological record, as these "princely" tombs often included imported materials from the Eastern Mediterranean. For instance, the Barberini and Bernardini tombs, discovered in 1855 and 1876 respectively, contained large numbers of gold and silver objects along with interior artwork inspired by the Near East. Some of the objects were likely imported from Egypt or Phoenicia: one silver bowl contains a Phoenician inscription while depicting an Egyptian pharaoh in battle. "Princely" tombs often included the then more fashionable or modern goods, such as fans or banqueting equipment, alongside the more traditional status markers, such as weapons or weaving tools.

In the past, it was believed that these tombs in Latium reflected an Etruscan domination but further evidence from across Italy indicates that princely tombs of this sort were common on the peninsula and likely reflected common trends during the Orientalizing period across the peninsula's cultures. Fulminante argues that Orientalizing trade possibly motivated social and economic development in the Latial culture, as Latial aristocrats may have aimed to expand material production to further enmesh themselves in pan-Meditteranean trade networks. Alternatively, Latial aristocrats sought to showcase their status and wealth via the deposition of ornate goods within burials. Moreover, the historian Timothy Cornell argues that the growth of settlements had created social hierarchy in which Latial aristocrats strove to place themselves at the top, thereby necessitating a shift from private displays and towards public displays that emphasized the larger community. Fulminante suggests that the rise of princely burials may reflect a transition to a "network" system of organization, as "network" societies are likewise characterized by the concentration of wealth and authority within a small class of elites and an emphasis on public demonstrations of prestige.

Economy

Percentage of animal bones identified as belonging to pigs across Italy.

Distribution of agricultural products across the Palatine hill.

Distribution of crop samples across two areas within Gabii.

Reconstruction of an Iron Age terracotta Kiln in Gabii.

Agriculture

The economies of Bronze Age settlements in Old Latium were dependent upon the extraction of natural resources, particularly via agriculture or animal husbandry—which itself made use of animals such as the pig, sheep, or goat. Pollen core samples from the Pontine region attest to increases in the quantity of wheat pollen during the Late Bronze, itself evidence of rising crop cultivation. Moreover, beginning around the Late Bronze Age and continuing until the Early Iron Age, the tree population—except for Quercus robur—suffered a significant decrease. It is possible that this shift reflects increasing efforts to clear trees for the creation of new land suitable for agriculture. There is evidence for the cultivation of grapes and olives in early Latium, as remains of such plants have been uncovered in deposits by the Via Sacra that date between 8th and the 6th centuries BCE. Moreover, samples of such plants have been uncovered in other central Italian sites, such as Bolsena or Cures. The Roman samples were uncovered alongside remains of cereals—such as emmer wheat or durum wheat—which may attest to the presence of polyculture in the region. However, results from the Pontine land survey provided no evidence for the cultivation of cereals and olives—and, consequently, the introduction polyculture—during the Early Iron Age, although it did demonstrate that the land became slightly more amenable to the practice. By the third Latial period, crop rotation techniques had emerged in Latium, which—when combined with animal husbandry—facilitated the existence of a mixed farming system in Latium.

Samples of animal bones from multiple Latial sites provides evidence of extensive usage of domestic animals. For instance, a sample of Late Bronze Age animal bones from the Capitol hill consists almost entirely of pigs, sheep, goats, and cattle. Likewise, another sample of animal bones uncovered within Iron Age buildings in Fidenae is also largely composed of sheep, goats, pigs, and cattle. However, examination of 13 Late Bronze Age cremation burials from a cemetery near Colle Rotondo suggests that meat was likely a minor source of protein within the overall diet of the deceased, which mostly comprised cereals, vegetables, and fish. Further data from a sample of likely upper-class individuals from Iron Age Gabii reveals that the studied sample largely consumed plants that utilized C3 Carbon fixation or herbivores that themselves feasted on such plants. The Gabine skeletons have much higher levels of nitrogen isotopes than samples from Iron Age Osteria, perhaps indicating that their diet included proteins belonging to a higher trophic level. By the later Iron Age, pig consumption increased significantly in Rome, possibly because the relative ease of rearing pigs facilitated prolific utilization of the animal for supplying the needs of an expanding population.

During later periods, unlike other industries, agriculture did not necessarily undergo standardization: Diversities in crop output may have persisted, perhaps indicating that agricultural production remained decentralized. The archaeologist Laura Motta examined weed, chaff, and grain samples dated between the 8th-6th centuries BCE that were uncovered in trenches by the Palatine hill, revealing that—among contemporaneous sites—there was great heterogeneity in the composition of agricultural produce across the area. Preferences for different kinds of agricultural product indicate differing crop production techniques—an abundance of grain attests to pounding techniques, whereas an abundance of chaff indicates that, in addition to pounding, the crops were also sieved. Despite such discrepancies, the commonality of grain increased throughout all sites over time, perhaps indicating a standardized system of production capable of establishing a degree of uniformity. However, Motta argues that a certain level of agricultural autonomy was likely preserved, thereby allowing for the continued availability of unique varieties of crop.

Furthermore, Motta argues that each trench may have reflected a different stage within the crop production process, as the ratio of agricultural produce within each site is correlated to their respective trenches: Grains are primarily concentrated in the Sestore 9 trench, while chaff and weeds were largely concentrated within areas 4 and 5. More specifically, Motta proposes that areas 4 and 5 represent a later stage of a—due to their position within the city walls—particularly domestic production system. The interpretation of Sestore 9 is more unclear, although the environment of the area was likely hostile towards settlers and probably deterred the establishment of households. Consequently, the consumption patterns evidenced at the site may not reflect those of ordinary Latial civilians, but instead the dietary habits of soldiers responsible for patrolling the nearby section of wall. If the food was distributed towards local soldiers by an external force, then it is likely that there existed a centralized body managing agricultural production capable of independently producing and shipping supplies. Based on this evidence, Motta proposes that the local society may have organized itself around a heterarchical structure in which decentralized domestic production systems coexisted with centralized production.

Pottery

It is possible that pottery production existed during the Final Bronze Age at Latial sites such as Pelliccione. Excavations at the site indicate that the area contained a far greater quantity of pottery than would have been necessary to supply the needs of the populus, perhaps indicating that the excess pottery was produced for the purpose of trading the goods with other settlements. However, the archaeologists Rasmus Brandt and Albert Nijboer have both concluded that—from the 9th to the 8th century BCE—pottery production primarily fulfilled private, personal needs. They argue that pottery production first acquired more financial motivations when, around the end of the 8th-century and during the 7th-century BCE, the social differentiation exemplified by princely tombs—alongside the possible advent of polyculture, population growth, the birth of a pre-monetary economy, and the creation of fortified settlements—helped spark the onset of new socioeconomic conditions. Still, during this time, Brandt and Nijboer suggest that household pottery production still largely served personal use, albeit with the occasional sale or trade.

According to these same scholars, the workshop industry only fully emerged in Latium by the end of the 7th and during the 6th century BCE. Nijboer notes that the complex and meticulously crafted impasto pottery of earlier Latial periods was not suitable for production utilizing a potter's wheel and such impasto pottery, as well as early Latial bucchero pottery, was often produced utilizing a time-consuming and resource-expensive combination of crafting techniques. Collectively, these constraints hindered any manufacturer dedicated to the production of such vessels, as they were easily outcompeted by craftsmen dedicated to the production of Italo-Geometric pottery, a style imitative of contemporary Greek pottery that relied upon the usage of refined clay on a potter's wheel and kilns with separate chambers for firing. Consequently, during the 7th-century, a new system of standardized production emerged that allowed for pottery producers to economically compete with the Italo-Geometric artisans. Pottery production underwent significant systematization across both Etruria and Old Latium during the 700s and 600s BCE, resulting in a greater degree of homogeneity among pottery shapes. Moreover, manufacturers began creating larger quantities of specialized pottery types—such as cotylai, which were used for measurements, or oinochoai, which were utilized as wine containers.

However, Fulminante argues that the growth of pottery manufacturing in Latial society likely occurred earlier than Brandt and Nijboer suggest. Fulminante notes that, during the Latial period III—around the late 800s and early 700s BCE—at Osteria, the diversity of vessel types had decreased significantly, itself indicative of standardized production. Prior to the 6th-century BCE, Latial and Etruscan pottery workshops were typically situated within the centers of developing urban settlements, which attests to a possible relationship between urban growth and industrialization within the Latial economy. Nijboer argues that population growth may have further stimulated industrial expansion, as an increasing population intensified demand for ceramic materials and construction supplies, resources that ceramic manufacturers could provide.

Reconstruction of an Iron Age casting pit in Gabii.

Metalworking

Nijboer proposes that the proliferation of metalworking during the 8th and 7th centuries BCE may have predicated later economic developments. Increasing production during the 8th-century BCE is reflected in the bronze fibulae of this time, which began to be created via a serialized production method. In the area surrounding Rome, a system in which multiple separate variously specialized craftsmen cooperated in the production process may have existed around 850-725 BCE. Contemporary tombs from the Tiber Valley include chariots composed of a wooden frame plated with bronze and wooden wheels coated in iron, indicating that the input of woodworkers, ironsmiths, and bronzesmiths was provided for the creation of these objects.

New metallurgical technologies were introduced around this period, such as carburization and quenching—which first reached Central Italy during the 700s BCE—and granulation, which arrived in Italy by the late 8th and early 7th centuries BCE. Enhanced metalworking techniques allowed for the manufacture of more substances forged from iron, which—by the 7th-century BCE—had emerged as the preeminent metal in the Latial culture. The shift to iron began in the 8th-century BCE with the production of iron knives, which are the first iron materials found in Latial sites. Nijboer notes that, in Osteria, all knives dated after 770 BCE are forged from iron, whereas in previous periods such knives were restricted to more high-status burials. Excavations at Satricum reveal multiple clusters of iron slags—themselves traces of metal-production—that are dated from the 7th-4th centuries BCE, although the majority belong to the 7th or the 6th century BCE.

Textiles

Alongside the advancements in metallurgy and pottery, textile manufacturing appears to have undergone a process of increasing standardization and specialization during the 7th-century BCE. It is likely that advanced textile manufacturing techniques were already available in Early Iron Age Latium, as the discovery of an 11th-century BCE tablet-woven textile in Santa Palomba and other elaborately crafted Early Iron Age textiles in the Caolino necropolis attests to the availability of weaving technologies during this period. However, finds of textile equipment dated to around this time often surface within domestic areas, indicating that the creation of textiles primarily occurred within private households, not workshops. Moreover, Gleba suggests that—during this period—the technology and skills required for the production of such textiles were likely reserved for upper-class women who were identified in burials by weaving equipment. Excavations at Latial sites such as Murlo or Acquarossa reveal large hoards of textile equipment dated to the 7th-century BCE, indicating that—by this time—textile workshops had emerged. Textile manufacturing tools generally decreased in size and in diversity of appearance throughout Latial history, a phenomenon Gleba attributes to increasing standardization.

Funerary rites

Goods from cremation burials from the Alban hills.

Goods from cremation burials in the Roman Forum.

Finds from the necropolis of Osteria dell'Osa, Museo Nazionale Romano

Burial techniques

Cremation was the only burial ritual used during the Late Bronze Age throughout the Latial culture, including the cemetery at Osteria. The practice was generally restricted to burials of male individuals aged between 17 and 45 at their time of death. Cremation burials are typically found at the center of burial clusters, possibly indicating that the deceased was the head of a household or family, or, alternatively, possibly a local community figurehead. Rossenberg argues that the ritual may have carried domestic connotations in the Latial culture, as the remains of the deceased were often stored in hut-shaped urns, some of which were characterized by ovoid shapes topped by conical lids likely representative of a hut roof. These urns were often themselves stored within either stone containers or a pottery vessel called a "dolium", likely for the purpose of safeguarding the remains. The urns were interred within a type of cylindrical pit that varied between 0.5-1 meter deep and was typically around 1 meter wide. Common ceramic funerary goods for cremation burials during the Latial period II included corded jars, small braziers, and jars with a retaining rim.

Weapon from a burial in Valvisciolo.

Miniature versions of standard funerary goods were frequently included within cremation burials, a practice largely unique to the Latial culture. Sets of miniature spearheads and figurines were typically placed first within the burial, often at the bottom of the larger container storing the smaller cinerary urn within. These burial objects were thus placed outside the container, whereas other funerary goods—often miniature knives, razors, and swords—were included within the vessel. Sestieri argues that the miniaturization of the grave goods likely derived from fears regarding the spirits of the deceased, which members of the Latial culture—according to Sestieri—sought to protect themselves from by depriving the dead of real weapons. However, the archaeologist Lisa Cougle argues that miniature goods may have been employed in cremation rituals as the usage of real materials would require the burial and consequent loss of said items, thereby wasting potentially valuable resources. Alternatively, the Italian archaeologist Renato Peroni proposes the cremation ritual held religious significance. Peroni notes that miniaturized burial goods are similar to the Latial offerings left in caves and lakes, which likely were dedicated to deities. Furthermore, Peroni argues that the act of cremation necessitates the transfer of the deceased into a more incorporeal state, which itself may reflect the inherently supernatural realm of gods. Among the rare example of cremation burials for women at Osteria, it is common for the deceased to be entombed with life-sized burial goods rather than miniatures.

Cremation tombs remained in use during the Latial period II, although inhumation became more frequent. The most common type of inhumation technique in the Latial Period II involved the interment of the deceased in a rectangular pit referred to as a "fossa" that was then covered with stones or—in Castel di Decima during the early 6th-century—soil. In some tombs, the corpse was laid within a coffin or only on a wooden board. It is possible that the shift from cremation to inhumation burials during the transition from the first to the second Latial period was motivated by external influence from southern Italy, as the new type of fossa burials resemble similar fossa from Campania or Calabria. Another burial type referred to as the "tombe a loculo" utilized a loculus to entomb both the deceased and their funerary goods. Inhumation burials during this period did not necessarily contain exclusively one corpse: Double burials, burials containing two individuals, became more prevalent following the 9th-century BCE. These burials usually contained one male and one female, although several examples of burials containing same-sex pairs are known. Loculi tombs were largely reserved for single burials, although rare examples of double loculi burials have been uncovered, which themselves were usually exclusive to a male and female couple or a mother and a child.

Evidence from the cemetery at Osteria dell'Osa attests to post-mortem tampering with the skeleton of the deceased, which Sestieri argues may constitute instances of secondary burial. In the majority of graves, the skull was separated from its mandible and turned around and—in some graves—the skull was relocated towards the feet. Certain burials also contained skeletons whose long bones were reorganized into parallel pairs. Due to the poor preservation of necropolises in Old Latium, it is unclear whether such customs were pervasive throughout the Latial culture or restricted to the cemetery at Osteria. Even among the skeletons in Osteria, it is indeterminable whether all corpses within the cemetery were subject to such tampering. Sestieri suggests that, following the interment of the deceased, the grave was left uncovered for a period of time, possibly until the deceased's muscle and had decomposed. Following the completion of these rites, the bones could be displaced, and the grave could then be covered with soil or stone.

Amongst the chamber tombs at Cisterna Grande, a cemetery within Crustumerium, it was not uncommon for graves to be modified following the original deposition. One burial at the site found on the floor of a chamber tomb consists of a pile of bones that were intentionally and methodically reorganized. The skull was placed first, followed by the ribs, then the long bones were deposited, and the entire burial was covered in stones. Other skeletons were repositioned to allow additional corpses to be interred within the same loculus. Such a practice indicates that the local inhabitants of Crustumerium did not concern themselves much with preserving the bones of the deceased, which—according to the archaeologist Ulla Rajala—is itself indicative of a belief that the deceased continued to exist in a nonphysical form. Henceforth, the populus of Crustumerium still felt the necessity to inhume the deceased.

Later Latial burial techniques

Distribution of 6th-5th century BCE chamber tombs across Latial sites.

Around the late 7th-century BCE and early 6th-century BCE, a new type of burial in which the deceased were housed within a rectangular room carved from tuff—the chamber tomb—became more common in central Italy. The precise details of the design or layout of the chamber tombs at any given site varies significantly across Latium. One Late Orientalizing chamber tomb from Osteria consists of two separate rooms carved from bedrock. In contrast, another tomb from Torrino that was used from the 7th-century BCE to around the 5th-century BCE consists of a singular dromos leading into a central area that splits off into separate rooms each containing one or two loculi. Dromoi and loculi were absent from earlier chamber burials; they only began to appear in such tombs by the end of the 7th-century BCE, or perhaps at the beginning of the 6th-century BCE.

For unknown reasons, no Latial cemetery is fully datable to the 6th-century BCE. There are various possible explanations: Perhaps contemporary burials exist but remain undiscovered or, alternatively, the Latial people may have ceased to inhume their dead. However, Cornell considers both suggestions implausible, as already known cemeteries—despite containing no evidence of 5th-century BCE mortuary practices—include 7th-century BCE burials alongside 4th-century BCE burials. Instead, he proposes that it is likely that burials dated to the 5th to 6th centuries BCE have survived in the archaeological record but are unrecognizable as such because grave goods were not included within the tombs. Cornell argues that the transition away from burial goods is likely related to the concurrent rise in the extravagance of tombs during the Orientalizing period, especially the rising popularity of chamber tombs. He proposes that such tombs indicate that the primary function of funeral services had shifted from commemorating or honoring the deceased to broadcasting the power, prestige, or wealth of their kinship clan. Cornell postulates that such a cultural change would have rendered the deposition of burial goods obsolete, as—if funerals no longer primarily existed to benefit the dead—there was no longer any need to dedicate significant resources towards the deceased.

Giovanni Colonna, an Italian archaeologist, proposed that the restrictions on mortuary goods may relate to prescriptions in the Twelve Tables concerning "the limitation of the expense and the mourning at funerals" ("cetera in duodecim minuendi sumptus sunt lamentationisque funebris"). The 1st-century BCE Roman statesman Cicero claims that such rules were borrowed from the constitution of the Athenian statesman Solon, which may indicate that such practices date back to the time of Solon, which was around the 6th-century BCE. Cornell considers it unlikely that any legislative decree was the sole motivator behind any social change; in part because the transformation in burial practices affected the city of Veii—an Etruscan city firmly removed from Latial authority at this time—but also because Cornell doubts whether it is possible for a single piece of legislation to induce significant cultural shifts. Instead, Cornell argues that the same rising lavishness of burials that underpinned the disappearance of burial goods may have motivated future legislation designed to restrict such activity. Another possibility, posited by the archaeologist Cristiano Viglietti, holds that the reductions in aristocratic expression were intended to present a semblance of legal equality that reinforced the notion of a unified citizenry. Viglietti connects these historical developments in Latium to the supposed reforms of the legendary Roman king Servius Tullius, who was said to have established the census to measure social status according to wealth and not family lineage.

Burial organization

Map of the north cluster of burials at Osteria dell'Osa.

The sex ratio of burials at Osteria dell'Osa during the Latial periods II and III

Grave good distribution across Latial Period II subadult burials in Osteria

Grave good distribution across female child or infant burials in Old Latium

During the Latial period II, the corpses of the deceased—or their cremated remains—began to be interred within the large necropolises containing hundreds or thousands of burials that first emerged during this time. According to Fulminante, the creation of the necropolises may connect to the concurrent urbanization of this period. Fulminante argues that, alongside the growth of the first urban centers, the notion of distinct areas for the living and the dead emerged. Certain Latial communities—such as the settlement near Castello di Decima—likely made use of only one necropolis situated nearby the area, whereas other Latial settlements—such as the site of Crustumerium—utilized multiple cemetery areas. In the case of communities like Crustumerium, the necropolises were arranged in a circular pattern around the perimeter of the town, perhaps—according to Fulminante—forming a sort of "buffer zone" between the settlement and the surrounding land.

Other corpses, particularly those of children, were buried within the boundaries of the communities themselves, often in close proximity to homes. In Rome, the Sepulcretum—the necropolis located near the site of the later Temple of Antoninus and Faustina—although replete with adult burials prior to the 9th-century BCE, was reserved for infant burials in the following period, whereas adult burials shifted towards extramural areas—particularly at the Esquiline. Several graves placed within the confines of the local community have been identified as belonging to individuals of high social status due to the presence of prestigious burial goods within the tomb. For instance, the archaeological site of Valvisciolo contains a set of four double burials, all of which belong to female individuals, that are located near a votive pit and include numerous important burial goods such as ritualistic knives and various ornaments.

Burials at Osteria during the Latial period II were often organized into clusters of related graves that likely represented a social unit within Latial society. Sestieri further notes that the individuality of each grave was conserved; the Latial culture, during this period, largely ensured that each burial remained spatially distinct and untouched and undamaged by other graves. However, by the Latial period III—at Osteria—graves sites were placed more closely together and burials often intruded upon the space of other burials. The compacted layout of the burials likely did not exclusively derive from any limitations on the area for inhumation, as the grave clusters are separated from each other by unoccupied space, indicating that the burials were intentionally assigned to a specific burial group. Sestieri argues that the intentional congregation of these burials within each group reflects a desire to subdivide the cluster into multiple branches, each of which functioned as a component of the whole. These graves were organized around a set of two, central burials, one of which belonged to an elderly man with a life-sized bronze javelin-head and the other belonged to a younger female individual. According to Sestieri, it is likely that each burial group represented a family branch and that all the individuals interred within each site belonged to the same broader lineage.

Naglak and Terrenato argue that these funerary rites indicate the existence of a "house society," a kinship system in which legal rights, titles, property, or perceived social or moral standing are passed through family lineages. Sestieri identifies this system with the Roman gentes, which were clans of individuals with shared kinship. However, Naglak and Terrenato argue that—despite potential similarities—it is improper to apply the nomenclature of the Roman gentes to Latial society, as the specific features of certain Roman cultural concepts may not have existed within Latial society. Furthermore, archaeologist Christopher Smith criticizes the possible relation between these burial groups and the gentes, as the clusters contain an insufficient number of burials to reflect the massive size of an entire family lineage extending for numerous generations.

Nijboer accepts Smith's line of reasoning, although he adds that the larger necropolises located outside of community areas were sizeable enough to reflect a gens-like kinship group. Nijboer cites the presence of a burial ground outside of Crustumerium that covered 2000 square meters and included at least 88 tombs dated over a time frame of 250-300 years. According to Nijboer, it is likely that multiple, individual family units were included within this larger burial compound, as there were seven chamber tombs placed within the area between the 7th and 6th-centuries BCE. Furthermore, Nijboer notes that several large burial areas existed outside of Crustumerium, indicating that individuals were selected for a specific mortuary ground over the others for a particular reason, a reason that Nijboer suggests may have been their family associations.

Grave good distribution across male child or infant burials in Old Latium

Regardless, it is possible—according to Naglak and Terrenato—that certain elements of Latial familial organization precipitated the gens system. The archaeologists note the existence of prescriptions in the Twelve Tables regarding the passage of wealth through gentes, which consequently attests to the existence of familial inheritance prior to the institution of the Twelve Tables in the 5th-century BCE. Naglak and Terrenato argue that an emphasis on inheritance through familial lineage is a common practice among house societies that lack any state entity. Thus, the scholars conclude that the laws of the Twelve Tables represent the codification of cultural practices that may date back to the early Latial periods.

Few female burials are attested during the Latial period I, with only five female and two probably female burials of a sample of thirty from the cemetery at Osteria dell’Osa. However, Early Iron Age burials from the same cemetery reveal 250 female burials compared to 188 male burials. The sex ratio among graves in Osteria is most skewed towards women during phase II, during which time cremation burials largely disappeared. If only graves containing burial goods indicative of high social status are considered, then the male-to-female ratios for the Early Iron Age and the Latial period I burials are similar. Henceforth, Sestieri argues that it is likely that—during Latial period I—only individuals of sociocultural importance were buried, most of whom were male. By the Latial period III, alongside increasing social stratification, female and male graves began to appear in more equal quantities at Osteria. Likewise, the cemetery at Crustumerium contains disproportionately more female graves than male graves during the period from 750 and 600 BCE. Archaeologists Albert J. Nijboer and Sarah Willemsen suggest that, at least at the cemetery of Crustumerium, various groups were excluded from interment within the local necropolis. Nijboer and Willemsen note that, alongside the scarcity of male graves at the cemetery, there are few infant or child burials despite the high rates of infant and child mortality during this time period.

Based on the heavily skewed funerary sample from Crustumerium, Nijboer and Willemsen suggest that between 50-75% of the local population may not have been interred within the local necropolis. Fulminante proposes that infant burials only constituted 15-20% of burials dated from the Latial period IIA-IIB, under 20% of Latial period III-IVA burials, although around 30% of burials dated to the IVB period. Finnish archaeologist Sanna Lipkin postulates that the absence of infant burials may be explicable if children were not recognized as full members of the community, warranting burial within a separate cemetery. Infant burials during the Latial periods II and III typically lacked indicators of role or position within a social hierarchy. It was more common, although still rare, during both periods, for objects denoting sex—such as male serpentine fibulae or female weaving equipment—to be placed in child burials.

Excavations in the Latial sites of Rome, Ardea, Lavinium, and Ficana revealed numerous infant burials, usually dated between the Latial period III and IV, that were located beneath the eaves of houses. It is possible that these burials relate to the "subgrundaria" mentioned by Pliny the Elder, which were infant tombs situated near Roman houses. Francesca Roncoroni, an Italian archaeologist, suggests that the custom of interring deceased infants nearby domestic areas may relate to the Roman worship of the Lares and Penates, both of which were types of guardian deity. Infant burials are often situated, more specifically, near wealthier houses with high-status objects. For instance, the settlement at Lavinium contains infant burials located near a set of unusually large huts on the highest hill of the area. Sestieri argues that such placement may reflect an attempt by local aristocrats to mark their family territory through the location of infant burials.

Gender roles

Venderbos notes that—during the Latial period I—certain burial items are largely exclusive to either male or female graves. In particular, objects such as arch-shaped fibulae, combs, spindles, spools, and spindle whorls are characteristic of female graves. In contrast, objects such as miniature weapons, razors, and serpent-shaped fibulae were associated with male burials. Venderbos suggests that, during the Latial Period I, the Latial culture distinguished a type of "Warrior" burial exclusive to biologically male individuals and a type of "Weaver" burial reserved for biologically female burials. Whereas archaeologists such as Sestieri argue that socially expressed gender in the Latial culture ought to conform to biological sex, Venderbos proposes a third, gender-neutral type of burial outfit she labels the "master of the household", which Venderbos suggests violated the gender distinction between male and female burials.

Social roles of women

Distribution of funerary goods across Latial Period II adult female burials in Osteria

The percentage of Latial II female burials in Osteria that contain weaver sets.

Weaving and spinning

In Osteria, it was common for a set of spools and spindle whorls to be interred alongside a set of two jugs and a cup within female burials, primarily young adult women or young girls. Sestieri argues that this phenomenon indicates that weaving was primarily performed by women who had not assumed child-rearing responsibilities. Out of a total of 41 "weaver" burials in Osteria, the relative majority—a total of 18 graves—belong to individuals between the ages of 11 and 19. "Weaver" burials throughout the Latial culture often included items related to the maintenance of physical appearance, particularly hair-related objects such as combs, tweezers, and hair-spirals. Furthermore, it was common for "weaver" burials to contain more extravagant funerary goods and personal ornaments than other tombs, perhaps indicating that such burials belonged to individuals of higher social standing. If so, then these status markers would be largely reserved for young adult women—the most common demographic found in weaver burials. According to Venderbos, such honors were provided to young women on account of their reproductive faculties, which were possibly considered crucial for the continuation of their respective kinship clans.

During period II, "weaver" burials included distinct types of spindle whorl, which Sestieri argues were variously defined by unique features and functions. One class of spindle whorl, the faceted whorl, was the predominant type of whorl within period II female burials. Usually, only one sample of the faceted whorl was present in a grave, often near the head of the corpse. These whorls were often accompanied by several spindles, leading Sestieri to suggest that they may have borne connections to spinning and possibly reflected a type of "spinner" burial distinct from the "weaver" burials. The archaeologist Margarita Gleba rejects this analysis, arguing that the presence of a single whorl only served to mark the deceased as female. According to Gleba, the spindle whorl had become a symbolic representation of the female gender in Iron Age Italy due to its connections with a traditionally feminine activity.

Sestieri proposes that weaving activities were connected with biconical decorated spindle whorls, as they were often associated with multiple spools and other faceted spindle whorls. This type of whorl appears throughout Latial period II female infant or child burials at Osteria, leading Sestieri to suggest that it may have functioned as a gift offered to children when they had had first began performing whatever activity was signified by the item. Furthermore, it was common for sets of pots, particularly—during the later parts of period II—a cup, a globular jug, and a biconical jug, to accompany biconical whorls in burials. Gleba argues that the inclusion of multiple spindle whorls likely signified that—in addition to being female—the deceased was a skilled textile worker.

Burials containing more than three spindle whorls at Osteria contain a collective total of 248 whorls, 51% of which (126 whorls) were placed by the upper part of the body and 42% of which (106 whorls) were placed by the lower part, with the remaining 7% (18 items) appearing by the central part. The placement of spindle whorls in graves containing a higher quantity of the item is more varied than in graves containing fewer. Out of the 147 spindle whorls from graves containing only one example of the item, 86% (126 whorls) appear by the upper part while 11% (4 items) appear by the lower part and 3% (4) items appear by the central part. In Osteria, of the 14 examples of razors as burial goods, 13 were placed by the upper body and one was placed by the lower body. This ritual is incongruent with the distribution of razors in the Iron Age necropolis of Fossa in Abruzzo, in which—of the 12 razors—five were located by the central parts of the body and seven were located by the lower parts.

Personal ornamentation

The distribution of arch fibulae across Italo-Etruscan sites

Female gravesites of all ages at Osteria dell'Osa unanimously contain items that were likely considered feminine within Latial society, many of which are seemingly personal accoutrements. Fibulae are among the most common feminine ornaments for all age groups in Osteria, although children's fibulae are typically smaller than fibulae uncovered in adult burials. Arch fibulae, specifically, are associated with female burials across multiple Latial sites, such as Tivoli, Ardea, and Osteria. However, in Rome, arch fibulae appear almost evenly distributed across male and female burials, perhaps indicating that the item was not associated with any particular gender. Moreover, arch fibulae samples occur alongside both textile tools, a typically feminine burial good, and helmets or razors, which were usually masculine funerary items. Cecilie Brøns, a classical archaeologist, doubts whether fibulae-type was directly related to gender in Latial culture, citing the cooccurrence of arch fibulae with both male and female burial objects.

During the Latial period II, at Osteria, finger rings were common throughout the funerary outfits of female individuals aged around 19-40. According to Lisa Cougle-Jose, these rings may have been associated with kinship groups or clans, as certain types of rings appear most frequently within specific burial clusters. For instance, a type of broad strap ring is most common within the eastern burial group, whereas a type of spiral ring is most prevalent within the northern burial cluster. Cougle suggests that the few burials containing this type of spiral ring that are not located within the northern cluster may have belonged to individuals who, although initially of that family group, married into a different clan. In Osteria, graves of younger women—with ages ranging from infant to young adult—typically contain a type of faience bead.

Suspension rings

Latial period II female graves almost exclusively contained 1-2 fibulae, which were often attached to rings that were suspended from the pins of the fibulae. During the Latial period II, these fibulae, and thus their associated suspension rings, were often placed on the breasts, although they could also appear by the skull. By the Latial IIB2 and III periods, it remained common for suspension rings to be placed near the chest of the deceased. Rings during the Latial period IVA were often placed near the pelvis of the deceased, which the archaeologist Gilda Bartoloni interprets as evidence that these rings may have borne reproductive connotations. The archaeologist Cristiano Iaia further extends the possibility of reproductive associations to other types of Latial rings, noting that the period II rings situated by the breasts could also be interpreted as related to reproduction. Moreover, Iaia notes the presence of a specific type of Latial period II ornament consisting of fibulae, alongside their related suspension rings, attached to a set of beads and pendants that were themselves hung from a single, central bead itself situated by the abdomen or the pelvis. Iaia argues that the proximity of this grave good to the pelvis indicates that it was connected to reproduction. In Osteria, this type of ornament was included within a type of funerary set common to the graves of young women that comprised suspension rings, 1-3 fibulae, and a necklace.

Rings also progressively increased in size during the transition from the Latial period II to the IIB and III periods: Latial period IIA rings had an average width of 2-4 centimeters; Latial period IIB rings were, on average, 3-6 centimeters wide; and Latial period III graves could include up to ten rings, with a diameter ranging from 5-21 centimeters. This evolution culminated in the Latial period IVA, during which time graves began to include only a single, large suspension ring with a diameter of up to 40-45 centimeters and impressed or incised decorations. Throughout Latial history, larger rings primarily appeared in the graves of adult women. However, smaller rings—although still primarily associated with adult women—also appeared with some frequency in the graves of subadult women during the first Latial periods and in adult or preadult male burials during the later periods. Archaeologists Francesca Fulminante and Giulia Pedrucci propose that the provision of rings to subadult women may not reflect any social function they held during life, but instead their potential to hold these roles once they matured. Bartoloni suggests that larger rings were connected with wealthier, more prominent women—perhaps with some relationship to motherhood. Fulminante and Pedrucci affirm this analysis, citing the tendency for larger rings to appear in wealthier burials during the Latial periods III and IV. Moreover, they note that—during periods II, III, and IV in Osteria—larger suspension rings typically appear in funerary groups with multiple preadult burials. However, Fulminante and Pedrucci extend the relationship between suspension rings, wealth, and motherhood to smaller rings, which are also found in connection with wealthier burials and funerary groups containing more preadult graves.

The deposition of burial rings was a phenomenon almost entirely unique to the Latial culture, although they appear in small numbers across Umbria and Sabina. Samples of suspension rings have also been excavated at the Villanovan site of Caere, which Iaia suggests is likely due to the presence of Latial immigrants. Iaia argues that the rings likely functioned as markers of ethnic affiliation for the Latial people, noting that the tradition persisted throughout Latial sites such as Capena despite heavy influence from foreign cultures such as the Villanovan or Etruscan civilizations. Iaia suggests that, as the Latial culture oriented its social structure around kinship groups, it likely placed significant importance on intermarriage between ethnic or family groups, such as marriage between Latial women and Etruscan men. Thus, according to Iaia, the possible ethnic connotations of the rings may have developed in relation to the traditions of Latial marriage practices. Iaia further connects this burial custom to the rape of the Sabine women, a mythical event in early Roman history during which the Romans kidnapped the Sabine women for marriage.

Distribution of imported objects across Latial burials

Lavish burial goods

Analysis of the Latial sites of Osteria and Gabii indicate that infant female burials dated to the Latial period II usually contain more ornaments and more luxurious burial goods than male infant burials. Fulminante suggests that the disproportionate allotment of more opulent materials to infant female burials may indicate that the Latial culture viewed women as inherently deserving of a particular social status from birth, whereas men were expected to acquire rank and were thus denied such funerary goods during infanthood. Sestieri argues that many Latial culture ornaments served to enhance personal pleasure or prestige rather than to mark a formal or political status. Instead, Sestieri proposes an additional function, suggesting that the provision of personal cosmetics to young girls in Osteria may have helped to advance the marriage strategies envisioned by their family groups.

Early Iron Age II beads from Osteria

Number of individuals belonging to each wealth class within each period. The top graph showcases the individuals belonging to the higher-classes whereas the lower graph showcases the individuals belonging to the lower-classes.

During the Latial Period IIIA, female graves began to include more lavish burial goods such as beads, pendants of amber or glass, spindle-whorls, and 2-6 fibulae. This trend continued during the Latial period IIIB, during which female burials in Osteria contained larger quantities of personal adornments. Other Latial period III cemeteries contained female burials with hair-rings made of precious metals and as many as 25 fibulae, which were usually accompanied by several suspension rings. Suspension rings persisted as a female burial good into the Latial period IVA, by which time they had become markers of social status were largely restricted to the graves of wealthy, prominent women. During the early periods of Latial chronology, imported objects predominately appeared in female burials, although—during the later periods—imported goods more frequently surfaced in male burials. Fulminante argues that this trend indicates that items from foreign cultures were absorbed into Latial society via female-dominated aspects of Latial society, perhaps through intercultural marriages.

Fulminante notes that, in Osteria, female burials overall contained more ostentatious funerary goods than male burials, perhaps indicative of a tendency for women in Latial society to—on average—maintain higher levels of wealth than men. If the analysis exclusively factors the sex-identification of the graves, then the wealth distribution is significantly more even—albeit still unequal—than if only graves containing individuals gendered as masculine (i. e, individuals with masculine burial goods). Fulminante explains this phenomenon as stemming from a possible desire of higher-status males to avoid conveying their rank in their burial or to showcase a collective group identity.

Lozenge-shaped belts were a type of clothing generally associated with aristocratic, female burials that may have originated in Etruria before spreading throughout Tyrrhenian Italy. Belts of this type dated between the Latial IIB and IIIA periods have been uncovered in Tivoli. Rectangular belts have also appeared in a Latial period III tomb from Praeneste and a period IIIB tomb from La Rustica, alongside their occurrences in Villanovan sites. According to Lipkin, they may have constituted an upper-class, ceremonial ornament that typically belonged to female individuals. The belts were usually tied together via one clasp hook, although—in some graves—multiple hooks have been found. Hooks were attached to one end of the belt and inserted through a leather or textile loop on the opposite end. When placed in female burials, the hooks were often deposited on the sides of the corpse, perhaps—according to Lipkin—indicating that the deceased had fastened the belt on that side or had not worn the clothing in life. One upper-class female burial dated to the Latial period IVA2 from Crustumerium contains three hooks situated beneath the waist and another possibly female Latial period IV burial from Osteria contains a clasp also located by the waist. However, a separate possibly female burial—also from the Latial period IV in Osteria—contains a clasp situated by the left femur.'

Distribution of funerary pots Latial Period II burials in Osteria

Pottery

During the Latial period II, female gravesites typically contained a larger quantity of pottery than male burials, and the pottery in female burials is usually of higher-quality modeling or more ostentatious decorations than the vessels of male gravesites. Although, in one funerary group, male burials contain an average of 4.2 pottery vessels per grave—29.4% of which are decorated—compared to an average of 4 vessels per grave in female burials—29.1% of which are decorated. Sestieri argues that the distribution of food was likely performed by older family members, regardless of gender, as the vessels responsible for storing liquid—such as two-handed jars and amphorae—are present in the burials of both men and women, although restricted to the gravesites of adult individuals. Moreover, one type of pottery, a small cup with a grooved handle—which was likely used to store food or liquids—typically appears in the gravesites of adult or elderly women. However, during period IV, it was common across Latial female graves to include mixing bowls supported by holmoi alongside jugs, cups, and amphorae. According to Holloway, such evidence indicates that women were responsible for overseeing banquets, a social function that was also fulfilled by contemporary Etruscan women.

Another type of pottery, a large liquid container restricted to the graves of mature women, may have indicated marital status. This vessel is common throughout period I and II "weaver" burials belonging to individuals aged 11-19. The pottery dated to the Latial period II at Osteria dell'Osa was likely handmade and produced within individual family units, resulting in variation in the manufacturing process across different vessels. Sestieri argues that the responsibility of pottery production in the Latial culture likely primarily fell upon women. By period IV, the ceramic inventory of female burials in multiple Latial sites was largely created by professional manufacturers and were likely not the product of the household matron.

Social roles of men

Distribution of serpentine fibulae across burials in various Italo-Etruscan sites

Distribution of funerary goods across Latial Period II adult male burials in Osteria

"Warrior" burials dated to the Latial period I unanimously—with the exception of the settlement at Tenuta Quadraro—contained miniaturized versions of weapons or armor, which often included swords, spears, greaves, lances, or shields. Alongside miniaturized weapons, "warrior" graves often included razors, knives, and other cosmetic adornments. The archaeologists Anna Sestieri and Anna De Santis propose that the miniature funerary items were indicative of local "chiefs" belonging to social elite. However, Iaia suggests that these graves more likely reflected a cultural ideal rather than a specific social stratum, as—according to Iaia—they are too numerous to represent an exclusive class of prominent individuals. Sestieri and De Santis further postulate that men, during the Latial period I, likely could assume high-status roles in religious, military, and political hierarchies, as male burials during this period often included both objects associated with political or military prestige—such as swords—and objects associated with religious significance, such as knives or statuettes. Statuettes in particular are, at Osteria, largely reserved for male cremation burials between periods I and II. According to Sestieri, they likely functioned as a symbolic representation of the deceased and were indicators of a priestly role.

The presence of military equipment in male burials may indicate a perceived connection between war and masculinity within the Latial culture, although Venderbos suggests that such bellicose imagery may possess more metaphorical symbolism beyond a literal connection to warfare. For instance, Venderbos notes that—in other cultures—weapons may hold a prominent position within rituals or ceremonial garb, especially as—according to Venderbos—ornately decorated weaponry can highlight personal prestige. Venderbos further suggests that weapons may also often serve as symbolic representations of power or authority. Venderbos proposes a connection between the military equipment of the Late Bronze Age Latial culture with the ritualistic weapons of the Salian priests, an ancient Roman order of priests. The "double shields" found in some Latial period I tombs, which consist of two to three interlocking discs, may connect to the ancilia, a type of shield that held ceremonial significance in ancient Rome and was involved in the rituals of the Salii. Although shields are often identified as a masculine instrument, one female tomb in Acqua Acetosa includes three shields fastened to the wall.

Venderbos suggests that personal beauty may have been significant for males in the Latial culture, as "warrior" burials during the Latial period I often contain cosmetic ornaments such as jewelry, including a type of snake-shaped fibula that is exclusively present in weapon-containing burials and always absent from weaponless burials. During the Latial period IIIA, male graves from Osteria often included more serpent-shaped fibulae, whereas weapons—such as swords or spear-heads—appeared infrequently throughout male burials. Serpentine fibulae are characteristic of male burials within the Latial culture, though every site containing male burials marked by such fibulae also contains female burials incorporating the same object. In Sala Consilina, only 80% of graves containing serpentine fibulae were male burials and—in Rome and Pontecagnano—only 60% of burials containing such fibulae belonged to male individuals. The Latial period II graves at Osteria and the graves of the Le Rose necropolis in Tarquinia are organized into clusters of burials centered around male graves, indicating a patriarchal family structure.

Possibly gender-neutral domestic themes in burials

The archaeologist Ilona Venderbos proposes that in addition to the standard "warrior" and "weaver" type burials, the Latial culture—during the Late Bronze Age—utilized a third, gender-neutral burial category referred to as the "master of the household". Venderbos cites the presence of hut-shaped funerary urns within cremation burials, arguing that the urns symbolically represented new homes for the deceased. She compares the Latial traditions to a similar practice in the Etruscan culture, in which leadership over an oikos (a type of family unity) may have been represented within burials via the deposition of miniature huts, which themselves often took the form of hut-urns. Thus, Venderbos suggests that the hut-urns in the Latial culture likely also signified that the deceased held a prominent domestic role during their lifetimes. Furthermore, Venderbos relates the hut-urns to the miniature furniture prevalent in Latial period I tombs, arguing that the latter objects may have functioned as banqueting equipment. This banqueting equipment, according to Venderbos, may have itself been largely reserved for more elite individuals within Latial society—the same kind of prominent persons selected for hut-urn burials.

Changing gender norms during periods II and III

Distribution of fibulae across Latial Period II burials in Osteria

Numerous graves dated to the Latial period II lack fibulae, which were otherwise the most common grave good and—according to Cougle—the most heavily gendered. The majority of the graves that lack fibulae are infant burials, leading Cougle to argue that the infants may not have yet been assigned a gender identity, thereby negating the need for a gender-signifying object. Out of a sample of Latial period IIA and IIB subadult graves gathered by Venderbos, only 40% of the burials included objects suggestive of any gender identity. According to Venderbos, the majority of these children were gendered as women, usually via the presence of hair rings, arch bow fibulae, or a necklace. Sestieri notes that, in Osteria, the graves of nearly all girls younger than 12 years of age contain gendered items, whereas the graves of boys from the same age groups almost entirely lack markers of gender roles. Moreover, Sestieri argues that the presence of cult-related objects in the graves of subadult women indicates that these individuals received these ritual roles in youth.

Variance of burial customs across burials of different genders during the Latial period II at Osteria

The distinction between "warrior" and "weaver" burials also weakened during the Latial period II. "Warrior" type burials persisted into the IIA period, although they generally contained fewer miniature weapons, often only containing a spear and a lance. Although razors were almost always included in male burials dated to the Latial period I, there were few razors present in Latial period IIA1 male burials. However, the "warrior" type completely dissipated from the funerary record by the Latial period IIA2. Regular-sized razors and serpentine fibulae continued to appear in male burials, although weapons, corded jars, and miniature braziers largely vanished from such tombs. All female burials from the Latial period II and onwards contain a spindle whorl, perhaps indicating that the spindle whorl had come to merely signify that the deceased was female, rather than to convey any more complex gender identity or role in life.

Sestieri argues that, by the Latial period III, the representation of the different gender roles within the funerary record at Osteria had largely dissipated. However, knives remained prevalent in female burials at Osteria, which may represent either the cult-related function ascribed the knives from early periods, or—as Sestieri argues—they may signify that women were responsible for the cutting and distribution of meat. Gender identity continued to be expressed in the funerary record through the interment of certain gender-specific articles of clothing. Female burials in Castel di Decima were marked by the presence of hair rings, a headdress with amber or glass-paste beads, and new types of fibulae—such as the boat fibulae, leech fibulae, or fibulae with an amber bow. Likewise, in Osteria and Caracupa, female burials are differentiated by the inclusion of hair rings and arch bow, leech, or boat fibulae. Men from Castel di Decima were often entombed with a short-sleeved tunic, an iron lance, a sword, and a mantle fastened to either the chest or the right shoulder by 1-2 serpentine fibulae. Some male burials from this cemetary contain buckles or hooks that Venderbos interprets as the remains of decayed belts. Male tombs from Osteria and Caracupa were marked by the inclusion of serpentine or dragon fibulae and the presence of weaponry.

Latial period III graves from the Esquiline necropolis often include both objects considered feminine and objects considered masculine in other Latial cemeteries. For instance, multiple Esquiline tombs contain both spinning tools and weapons while other graves contain both the feminine boat or leech fibulae and the masculine serpentine or dragon fibulae. Other tombs include axe or arrowhead-shaped pendants, combining the pendant—a traditionally feminine ornament—and weaponry, which were traditionally masculine objects within Latial society. Although Venderbos argues that these ambiguous burials reflect the breakdown in gender norms, Gjerstad suggests that some Esquiline tombs may have merely functioned as double burials for men and women, thus explaining their combination of objects belonging to separate gender identities. The irregular deposition of fibulae in the Esquiline necropolis may also be explained if fibulae were not as strongly associated with gender specifically within the Esquiline cemetery.

Sex and age assignment of a sample of Early Iron Age burials from Osteria dell'Osa.

Likewise, it is possible that the pendants from Osteria lost their gendered connotations or had become status symbols that were allottable to both male and female graves. Other gender-ambiguous graves from Osteria have also been interpreted as burials of high-status individuals. One female grave situated in a central position within their burial group contains arrow-shaped pendants alongside numerous other lavish ornaments. Another female tomb also located in the center of their burial group, this one belonging to a 60-year-old individual, contains a bronze spearhead and serpentine fibulae. Possible associations between arrow or axe-shaped pendants and high-status may be reinforced by the more certain function of arrowheads and axes as signifiers of social status. Anthropologist Bettina Arnold suggests that that women in these high-status female graves with masculine burial items may have constituted "honorary males"—women who are treated as males due to their assumption of traditionally masculine roles. However, Venderbos disputes this analysis, arguing that no such "honorary male" burials have been identified in Iron Age Italy and—since it is impossible the confirm the biological sex of many of the individuals interred within these tombs—it is impossible to prove that these individuals were, in fact, women buried as men.

Gender identities incongruous with biological sex

Tombs dated to the Latial period IIA contain grave goods whose gender associations in the Latial period I are incongruent with the biological sex of the deceased. One tomb from the Forum of Caesar contains a biologically female individual buried with arch fibulae, a hair rang, necklaces and a serpentine fibula and another grave from the Forum Romanum that likely contained a female individual also includes a serpentine fibula. The necropolis at the Forum Romanum also contains a grave belonging to a male individual that itself includes a spindle whorl as a burial good. One grave from Osteria likely contains the skeleton of a biologically male individual who was interred alongside a necklace, a spindle whorl, hair rings, and an arch bow fibula. The presence of traditionally feminine ornaments within the burial of a likely biologically male individual compelled the archaeologist Lisa Cougle to suggest that the deceased was transgender, although the archaeologist Cecilie Brøns suggests that the individual may have been viewed as more feminine as their death occurred prior to reaching adulthood. The cemetery at Osteria may reveal two other transgender burials, as two separate possibly male individuals appear entombed with arch bow fibulae and spindle whorls. However, the sex determinations of these skeletons may be unreliable, as the sex of one skeleton can only be ascertained via analysis of their tooth size, whereas the sex of the second skeleton can only discerned based upon several fragments of their crania.

Moreover, several male burials from Osteria contain fused or suspension rings situated near the skull that are otherwise associated with female burials, perhaps indicating that these male individuals—although perhaps not transgender—may have expressed a more feminine gender identity. Cougle notes that the long bones of these skeletons were typically slender, possibly indicating that their slenderness was considered feminine, thus prompting their burial with more feminine objects. According to Cougle, the expression of this particular type of more feminine gender identity may not have been viewed as shameful or disreputable, as one male burial marked by the same gracile bones is situated near other important burials in the central burial cluster within their group. Venderbos disputes the association between femininity and gracility, noting that these rings were absent from other tombs containing slender males, indicating that the Latial culture did not necessarily perceive slimness in males as effeminate, and therefore they did not include these rings within all burials belonging to such men. Venderbos further suggests that these rings may have merely constituted a new type of ornament within Latial culture male fashion, perhaps representing a breakdown in gender norms as the typically feminine item became accessible to men. It is also possible that several instances of these rings within the archaeological record may have actually acted as components to other objects, such as fibulae. Thus, Venderbos suggests that traditionally feminine objects—such as fibulae—may have become incorporated into the masculine coiffure.

Trade

The number of imported objects across the Latial culture.

Distribution of Corinthian-style pottery across Old Latium.

Further information: Orientalizing period

Bronze bowl from the Barberini Tomb that may have been imported.

Grave goods from the earlier Latial culture indicate contact with populations from Southern Italy, contact which likely continued during the later phases as graves from such periods include goods from Campania or the colonies of Magna Graecia. Excavations at a non-Latial cemetery in Carinaro, a town in Campania, unearthed a grave contemporaneous with the Latial period I that contained miniaturized burial goods and urns topped by roof-shaped lids, features which are reminiscent of Latial burial practices. Sestieri and De Santis suggest that these correspondences provide further attestation of contact between Latium and southern Italy. Fulminante argues that the Latial culture likely had contact with Spain during its earliest periods, noting the presence of a Latial period IIB2 grave containing an iron serpentine fibula that likely originated in Spain in Osteria, the appearance of multiple Latial period II objects from Spain in Gabii, and a Latial period IVA2 object from Spain in Acqua Acetosa Laurentina. Moreover, Fulminante cites the presence of Latial artifacts in Spain as further proof of trade links between the two regions.

Cosmetic items, such as perfume jars or amulets, and banqueting materials constituted the majority of imported materials during the Latial period III. The importance of banqueting items may have evolved due to the influence of the customs of various Eastern Mediterranean peoples, such as the significance of the Semitic practice of Marzēaḥ or the Ancient Greek symposium. Various tombs from Castel di Decima contain Levantine artifacts, such as one high-status female burial dated to around 850 BCE that includes a type of Levantine bowl. Two other Latial period III graves and another Latial period IVA tomb from the site included Levantine burial goods and various other tombs from the area contained Phoenician transport amphorae. The presence of such materials attests to potential connections between Decima and the Levant or with Phoenician–Punic Sardinia. Contact with Sardinia is further evidenced by the discovery of two bronze pins in Osteria that originate from the Nuragic culture.

It is impossible to ascertain the precise means by which these goods arrived in Latium, as the contemporaneous Orientalizing trade was conducted via pan-Meditteranean networks of commerce that allowed for such materials to pass through multiple merchants before reaching their destination. However, the presence of Eastern Mediterranean imports at coastal sites such as Castel di Decima or Satricum allows for the possibility of importation without Etruscan intermediaries. Nijboer concedes that it the ethnicity of the traders cannot be confidently determined, although he argues that direct trade between Phoenicians and Decima is evidenced by the long history of Near Eastern commerce across multiple periods at the site and the presence of Phoenician transport amphorae. Goods may also have been introduced into Central Italy from sites in Southern Italy via a Latial intermediary. Moreover, it is possible that many Orientalizing goods were manufactured by local craftsmen, some of whom may have been immigrants from the Greek world.

Graves at Castel di Decima, located on the via Ostiensis 10 miles (16 km) south of Rome date to Latial IV and show much more substantial dispersion in grave goods. Most inhumations were simple with no goods at all, but some of the wealthiest graves dated to the seventh century contained women dressed in rich garments adorned with amber and glass bead, gold and silvery fibulae, and ornamental silver wire. Occurrences of Etruscan material—such as bucchero pottery—at Latial sites increase during the IVA period, a phenomenon which the archaeologist Francesca Fulminante connects to the reigns of Tarquinius Priscus and Tarquinius Superbus, two legendary Roman kings who—according to Roman mythology—were Etruscan. The exact time period of their reigns is controversial, although it may be dated to the Latial period IVB.

Religion

Sanctuaries

Cornell suggests that this site, the Altar of Saturn, may have once functioned as an open-air sanctuary.

During the Final Bronze Age, open-air spaces—such as pits, rivers, springs, or lakes—supplanted the caverns of previous periods as the primary locus for cult sites. According to the Classical archaeologist Marianne Kleibrink, it is likely that worship of the numina—a type of spirit in Roman mythology—originated with these Latial cult sites. Kleibrink further connects these practices with Roman worship of water-deities, such as sacred spring of the nymph Egeria or the worship of Juturna. Following the Early Iron Age, Latial religious activities largely shifted from open-air natural sites towards votive deposits or sacred huts located within villages, on the boundaries of settlements, or by necropolises.

Fulminante suggests that the popularization of intramural religious sites may have stemmed from a desire by local aristocrats to increase their control over religious activity. Von Loon and de Haas argue that the shared cultural significance of sanctuaries allowed them to function as hubs for communal activity, and consequently to contribute to urban development in the region. For instance, the cult site at the Laghetto del Monsignore may have influenced the eventual establishment of the nearby settlement of Satricum, as hundreds of artifacts from the lake deposited during the Bronze Age indicate the area already maintained a level of sociocultural significance to Latial settlers prior to the creation of Satricum. Thus, Von Loon and de Haas conclude that the urbanization of the Early Iron Age, and the subsequent shift from open-air natural sites towards open-air sites located by villages, was simultaneously caused by and a cause of the civic sanctuaries.

These civic sanctuaries often served as the basis for later temples, which began to emerge around the 600s or 500s BCE. For instance, the temples of Satricum and Velletri were constructed atop the remains ancient Latial huts and votive deposits from the Capitoline Hill include objects dated to the 8th-century BCE. Cornell suggests that certain sanctuaries, such as the Temple of Diana in Rome, were established outside cities specifically for the purpose of inviting foreigners to intercommunal religious activities. Cornell further notes that many of the sanctuary sites located near harbors—such as the sanctuaries by Minturno or Ardea—were also dedicated to erotic deities, such as Aphrodite or Mater Matuta, which Cornell argues may attracted foreign merchants and therefore incentivized trade.

Based on the application of Thiessen polygons to the mapping of cult sites, the archaeologists Elisabeth van't Lindenhout and Jelle Bouma conclude that, although—during the 7th-century BCE—sacred sites were primarily situated within Latial communities, following the 7th-century BCE, Latial sanctuary sites shifted towards the borders between the polygons. Bouma and Lindenhout connect this development to the broader trend of increased territorial markers throughout the Latial culture, such as the increased building of settlement defenses (i.e. walls, ditches). These sites may connect to the controversial notion of border sanctuaries as territorial markers for the ancient ager Romanus.

It is possible that that Latial sanctuaries functioned as centers for economic activity. For instance, the earliest evidence of workshop activities at Satricum—dated to around 650 BCE—were initially centered around the central sanctuary by the acropolis. Nijboer argues that the religious authorities of the temple in Satricum may have played an important and active role in managing the local economy. It is possible, according to Nijboer, that the temple officials assessed the value of local currencies, as samples of scales and weights have been uncovered in votive deposits near the site. Moreover, beginning in the 7th-century BCE, numerous votive deposits containing expensive goods such as gold or silver artifacts begin to appear in Satricum, indicating that their wealth was removed from circulation and deposited in the votive pits. Nijboer proposes that such a practice likely served to store surplus value and was probably performed at the behest of local sanctuaries, perhaps as a means of stockpiling wealth for the temple's benefit. According to Smith, it is possible that such monetary reserves helped finance the rapid construction of temples during the 6th-century BCE. Furthermore, these cult sites may have served as the predecessors to future fora, as—like fora—they offered religious, commercial, and communal functions. Additional evidence for a connection between fora and temples may derive from Gabii, where a forum may have been constructed on the basis of an earlier shrine to Juno.

Cult items

According to Sestieri, among the Early Iron Age burials, six male burials contain a sword as a grave good and five contain a knife, whereas only two female burials contain a knife and none contain a sword. Only two adult women at Osteria dell'Osa were buried with knives, both of whom buried with a central position in the cemetery and had lavish burial goods. Knives were possibly associated with religious and cult practices in the Latial culture, perhaps due to a connection with ritual sacrifice. Thus, as knives are the primary high-status burial good incorporated within female graves, the primary high-status social positions offered to women may have been religious in nature. Among the 18 examples of knives as burial goods in inhumations at Osteria, 13 were placed by the feet or the lower part of the body while five were placed by the upper part.

The gender connotations of knives varied throughout Latial history: Knives were exclusively associated with male cremation burials during period II at Osteria, although they became rare in male burials and common in female graves by period III. However, according to Sestieri, it is possible that some of the variation—at least during period III—may be explained by potential inaccuracies in the data resulting from the large number of damaged burials. Archaeologist Erik van Rossenberg argues that the knives were likely associated with ritual eating practices, as ceramic vessels and spits—other objects associated with food—were also often placed by the lower body. Sestieri proposes that knives may have acquired more culinary associations during period III, which were possibly associated with the preparation of meat. According to Sestieri, such a shift may explain the increasing frequency of knives in period III burials, as the acquisition of connections to more general food-related rites—as opposed to specific religious roles—could prompt more widespread usage. Another explanation, offered by Smith, holds that the growing frequency of knives in female graves could reflect a shift in religious power from the masculine sphere to the feminine.

One burial belonging to a girl younger than six years old contains a set of double amphorae decorated with depictions of birds, which Sestieri argues may indicate that girl was predestined for a religious role from a particularly young age. Other graves contain religious equipment which may further indicate that women could be tasked with religious roles from youth: One grave from San Lorenzo Vecchio belonging to a young girl around the age of twelve contains a hut urn and a statuette that itself is possibly posed as if it were performing a religious offering. This grave in particular may indicate that women could play an active role in religious rituals from a young age. Another grave from Guidonia contains an infant burial in which the deceased was entombed with a knife, a set of decorative ornaments, a spindle, spools, spindle whorls, and a distaff. Sestieri argues that the knife likely functioned as cult imagery, although the archaeologist Isabella Damiani instead interprets the object merely as another piece of weaving equipment. Two other types of Early Iron Age ritual artifacts uncovered at Osteria dell'Osa are unique to female burials: a set of double amphorae and a type of decorated hollow sphere with a handle.

Smith argues that rattles may have functioned as cult items, noting that noise was an important aspect of archaic Roman ceremonies such as the tripudium ("three-step dance" and the Lemuria festival. Alternatively, Sestieri suggests that rattles were associated with more minor religious officials, unlike the statuettes or knives. Moreover, Smith also suggests that the rattles may have also been associated with women, the objects were found within two female burials at Osteria. The goods were found in the graves individuals aged between adolescence and early adulthood, which may—according to Smith—indicate that the object served as an apotropaic device or that it related to death during childbirth.

References

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Further reading

• Alessandri, Luca (2013). Il Latium Vetus nell'età del Bronzo e nella prima età del Ferro [Latium Vetus in the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age]. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. doi:10.30861/9781407311869. ISBN 978-1-4073-1186-9.
• Armstrong, Jeremy; Cohen, Sheira, eds. (2022-02-17). Production, Trade, and Connectivity in Pre-Roman Italy (1 ed.). London: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781003120728. ISBN 978-1-003-12072-8.
• Attema, Peter; Burgers, Gert-Jan; Van Joolen, Ester; Van Leusen, Martijn; Mater, Benoît (2002). New Developments in Italian Landscape Archaeology: Theory and methodology of field survey Land evaluation and landscape perception Pottery production and distribution. Proceedings of a three-day conference held at the University of Groningen, April 13-15, 2000. BAR Publishing. doi:10.30861/9781841714691. ISBN 978-1-84171-469-1.
• Brandt, J. Rasmus (2001). From Craftsman to Specialist: The Formation of Occupations in Late Iron Age Latium. Stockholm: Svenska Institutet i Rom.
• Bedini, Alessandro (2018-11-05). "Il rituale funerario aristocratico di età orientalizzante: nuovi dati da Ficana". Mélanges de l'École française de Rome - Antiquité (in Italian) (130–2): 277–281. doi:10.4000/mefra.5503. ISSN 0223-5102.
• Corsi, Cristina (2007). "Trade and Trade Routes in Southern Latium in Late Antiquity". Babesch. 82 (1): 247–256. doi:10.2143/BAB.82.1.2020774.
• Fulminante, Francesca (2003). Le sepolture principesche nel Latium Vetus: tra la fine della prima età del ferro e l'inizio dell'età orientalizzante (in Italian). Rome: L'Erma di Bretschneider. ISBN 978-888-265-253-1. ISSN 2240-8347.
• Gierow, Pär Göran (1966). The Iron Age Culture of Latium: Classification and Analysis. Swedish Institute of Classical Studies in Rome. ISSN 0081-993X. OCLC 608380315.
• Gleba, Margarita (2008). Textile Production in Pre-Roman Italy. Vol. 4. Oxbow Books. ISBN 978-1-84217-330-5. JSTOR j.ctt1cd0q0j.
• Minniti, Claudia (2012). Ambiente, sussistenza e articolazione sociale nell'Italia centrale tra Bronzo medio e Primo Ferro. Oxford. ISBN 978-1-4073-0987-3.
• Nizzo, Valentino; Bartoloni, Gilda (2004). "Lazio protostorico e mondo greco: considerazioni sulla cronologia relativa ed assoluta della terza fase laziale". Mediterranea. ISSN 1827-0506.
• Papers in Italian archaeology VI: Communities and settlements from the neolithic to the early medieval period. Oxford, England: Archaeopress. 2005. ISBN 978-1-84171-888-0.
• Perego, Elisa; Scopacasa, Rafael (2016). Burial and Social Change in First Millennium BC Italy: Approaching Social Agents. Vol. 11. Oxbow Books. ISBN 978-1-78570-184-9. JSTOR j.ctt1kw29j0.
• Robinson, Elizabeth C., ed. (2014). Papers on Italian Urbanism in the First Millennium B.C. Portsmouth, Rhode Island: Journal of Roman Archaeology. ISBN 978-0-9913730-1-7.
• Van Loon, Tanja (2010). "Ritueel als indicator van sociale veranderingen: het votiefdepot Laghetto del Monsignore (Campoverde), een casus" [Ritual as an indicator of social change. The case study of the votive deposit Laghetto del Monsignore (Campoverde)]. Tijdschrift voor Mediterrane Archeologie (in Dutch). 42.
• Verhagen, Filmo (2016-05-22). "Peer Polity Interaction in Archaïsch Latium Vetus: Competitieve Tempelbouw" [Peer Polity Interaction in Archaic Latium Vetus: Temple Building as a Form of Competition]. Tijdschrift voor Mediterrane Archeologie (in Dutch). 27 (53). ISSN 0922-3312.

External links

• "Room 1: Hut-shaped urn". Vatican Museums Online: Gregorian Etruscan Museum. 2003–2007. Retrieved 18 July 2009.