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Kandyan Peasantry Commission

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The Kandyan Peasantry Commission (KPC) was established by the Government of Ceylon in 1949 to investigate the socio-economic conditions of the Kandyan peasantry and to recommend strategies for their upliftment following decades of neglect and dispossession under colonial rule. The commission's findings played a pivotal role in shaping post-independence development and land reform policy in Sri Lanka.

The Kandyan Peasantry Commission Report, published by the Ceylon Government Press in 1951, found that large numbers of Kandyan peasants had been dispossessed of their ancestral lands during the British colonial period to make way for plantation agriculture, particularly tea, coffee, and rubber. This had led to widespread landlessness, poverty, and economic marginalisation. The report noted that the region suffered from low agricultural productivity, limited access to credit and markets, poor infrastructure, and inadequate social services. It further highlighted the neglect of the Kandyan region by both colonial and post-independence governments, leading to underdevelopment in education, healthcare, and political representation. In response, the Commission made several key recommendations aimed at uplifting the Kandyan peasantry. These included land redistribution through state-aided settlement schemes, particularly in the underpopulated Dry Zone, and expanded access to education, vocational training, and Sinhalese language instruction to preserve cultural identity. It also urged the government to provide agricultural support such as irrigation, fertilizers, and cooperative societies to boost productivity. In addition, the report called for improvements in rural infrastructure, health services, and increased political representation for Kandyan communities. The report ultimately served as a foundation for post-independence rural development policies and highlighted the need for targeted state intervention to redress historical injustices.

Background

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The Kandyan peasantry, primarily located in the Central Highlands, were historically autonomous under the Kandyan Kingdom until its annexation by the British Empire in 1815. Following the Uva Rebellion of 1818, the British enacted a series of repressive land policies, including the Crown Lands Ordinance of 1840 and the Waste Lands Ordinance, which facilitated the seizure of vast swathes of communal and shifting cultivation lands for the expansion of the plantation economy dominated by European planters[1]. This left the Kandyan peasantry landless, impoverished, and socially marginalized[2].

By the mid-20th century, Kandyan areas lagged in education, health, infrastructure, and economic opportunity compared to the rest of the country[3]. The region’s persistent poverty became a subject of political concern following independence in 1948.

Establishment

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The Kandyan Peasantry Commission was appointed on 13 January 1949, by the Governor-General of Ceylon, on the advice of Prime Minister D. S. Senanayake, who recognized the long-term effects of colonial dispossession and the need to address regional disparities. The commission's purpose was to investigate and report on the social and economic conditions of the Kandyan peasantry in the Central and Uva provinces, with a specific focus on areas like education, land, medical facilities, and agriculture, and operated under the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands.[4]

Members

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Objectives

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The commission was tasked with:

  • Assessing the economic and social conditions of the Kandyan peasantry.
  • Investigating the historical causes of landlessness and poverty.
  • Recommending measures for land redistribution, resettlement, and infrastructure development.
  • Proposing strategies to integrate the Kandyan regions into national development plans[5].

Findings and Recommendations

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The final report, published between 1951 and 1953, highlighted several key issues:

  1. Colonial Land Alienation: The report documented how colonial policies had expropriated ancestral lands, resulting in widespread landlessness among the peasantry[6].
  2. Underdevelopment: The Commission found that Kandyan regions lacked basic services such as schools, roads, hospitals, and irrigation systems, contributing to deep-rooted poverty[7].
  3. Resettlement Programs: It recommended that landless peasants be given priority in Dry Zone colonization schemes, such as those in Gal Oya and Kantalai, aimed at distributing land and promoting agricultural self-sufficiency[8].
  4. Educational and Administrative Inclusion: The report urged the government to expand education, especially vocational and agricultural training, and to increase Kandyan representation in state institutions[9].
  5. Dedicated Ministry: It also called for a special ministry to oversee Kandyan peasant affairs, although this was never implemented[10].

Legacy and Impact

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The KPC’s findings influenced subsequent land reforms, including the Land Reform Laws of 1972 and 1975, which aimed to cap land ownership and redistribute lands to landless peasants[11]. The Commission also justified state-led dry zone development projects, including the Mahaweli Development Programme, which were promoted as remedies for Kandyan landlessness[12].

Politically, the Commission helped mobilize rural Kandyan support for parties such as the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and laid ideological foundations for the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, which drew heavily from the discontent of rural, landless youth in the Kandyan heartland[13].

Criticism

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Despite its progressive intentions, the implementation of the Commission’s recommendations was incomplete and uneven. Settlement schemes were often co-opted by low-country elites, while the original Kandyan peasants remained landless[14]. Critics argue that the Commission did not adequately address caste oppression, gender inequality, or ethnic sensitivities that emerged due to settlement schemes which were mostly made up of Sinhalese in traditionally Tamil areas in the north and east[15]. Others contend that while it diagnosed the issues well, the state lacked the political will to execute its vision fully[16].

References

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  1. ^ Moore, M. (1985). The State and Peasant Politics in Sri Lanka. Cambridge University Press, p. 40.
  2. ^ Roberts, M. (1979). "The Imperialism of the Kandyan Kingdom." Sri Lanka Journal of Social Sciences, 2(1), pp. 55–68.
  3. ^ Peiris, G. H. (1996). Development and Change in Sri Lanka: Geographical Perspectives. Kandy: ICES, pp. 123–126.
  4. ^ Kearney, R. N. (1973). The Politics of Ceylon (Sri Lanka). Cornell University Press, p. 91.
  5. ^ Kandyan Peasantry Commission (1951). Interim Report, Government Press, Colombo, pp. 7–10.
  6. ^ Kandyan Peasantry Commission (1953). Final Report, Vol. 1, Government Printer, Colombo, pp. 31–35.
  7. ^ Ibid., pp. 45–50.
  8. ^ Ibid., pp. 77–83.
  9. ^ Ibid., pp. 90–94.
  10. ^ Moore, M. (1985), p. 76.
  11. ^ Somasundaram, D. (1983). “Land Reform in Sri Lanka,” Third World Quarterly, 5(2), pp. 341–354.
  12. ^ Peiris, G. H. (1996), pp. 189–194.
  13. ^ Jiggins, J. (1979). Caste and Family in the Politics of the Sinhalese, 1947–1976. Cambridge University Press, p. 122.
  14. ^ Shanmugaratnam, N. (1997). “Colonization and Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka,” Forum for Development Studies, 24(2), pp. 229–252.
  15. ^ Spencer, J. (1990). A Sinhala Village in a Time of Trouble: Politics and Change in Rural Sri Lanka. Oxford University Press, pp. 58–60.
  16. ^ Moore, M. (1985), pp. 85–86.
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