Government takeover of Catholic schools in Ceylon
The government takeover of Catholic schools in Ceylon refers to the nationalisation of Roman Catholic and other denominational schools by the Government of Ceylon in the early 1960s. This was part of a broader policy to bring religious schools under state control and standardise education through a secular, government-administered system.
Background
[edit]During the British colonial period, much of the formal education system in Ceylon was managed by Christian missions, including the Roman Catholic Church. These schools received state assistance but were run autonomously by religious authorities. By the time of independence in 1948, Catholic institutions had developed a large and well-regarded network of schools across the island.[1]
The post-independence state began to challenge the denominational structure, especially after the implementation of the Free Education Policy in 1945. Championed by C. W. W. Kannangara, this reform provided universal access to education and laid the groundwork for greater government control over schools.[2]
Sirimavo Bandaranaike's educational reforms
[edit]The decisive step came under the government of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike, elected in 1960. Her administration, supported by leftist parties and Sinhalese nationalist sentiment, aimed to create a uniform public education system. In 1961, the Minister of Education, Badi-ud-din Mahmud, introduced a policy requiring all government-assisted schools to either become fully state-run or forfeit government grants and operate as private, fee-levying institutions.[3]
As a result, more than 600 schools, many of them Catholic, were brought under government control. Schools that opted to remain private had to rely entirely on church or community funding. Among the affected institutions were:
- St. Joseph's College, Colombo – chose to remain private
- St. Peter's College, Colombo – became a fee-levying private school
- Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya (several branches) – joined the state system
- Maris Stella College, Negombo – absorbed into the government network
Catholic Church opposition
[edit]The Roman Catholic Church, led by Archbishop Thomas Cooray, strongly opposed the takeover. Church leaders argued that the move infringed upon religious freedom and was particularly discriminatory against Catholics, who operated the majority of assisted private schools at the time.[4]
A key feature of this protest was the release of the 1961 Catholic Directory, which included a detailed critique of government educational policy and warned of increasing marginalisation of Catholic institutions. The Directory, normally a clerical publication, became a political document, galvanising public opinion against the nationalisation efforts.[5]
1962 coup attempt and religious tensions
[edit]These tensions reached a critical point with the 1962 Ceylonese coup d'état attempt, which involved a group of senior army and police officers, most of whom were Christians—many from the Catholic and Anglican communities. The plotters were allegedly motivated by growing fears over Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism, political marginalisation of minorities, and the erosion of privileges traditionally enjoyed by the Westernised Christian elite.[6]
Although the Catholic Church was not directly involved in the coup, the government accused certain religious and civil society figures of creating an environment of opposition and conspiracy. The failed coup added fuel to the perception that Christian institutions were aligned with elite and anti-nationalist elements, which further weakened the Church's political influence.[7]
Effects on educational quality and Swabasha policy
[edit]The government takeover of denominational schools coincided with the growing implementation of the Swabasha policy, which prioritised instruction in Sinhala and Tamil over English. This shift, while intended to democratise education and strengthen national identity, had long-term effects on the quality and global competitiveness of Sri Lanka's education system.[8]
Missionary and Catholic schools had traditionally emphasised bilingual or English-medium instruction and were known for academic rigor, discipline, and high performance in examinations. The nationalised schools, under state administration, often suffered from poor management, lack of qualified English teachers, and inadequate resources.[9]
The shift to Swabasha limited student exposure to English, reducing their access to higher education abroad and limiting their job prospects in an increasingly global economy.[10]
Change in demographics of schools
[edit]One of the most significant outcomes of the takeover was the transformation of student demographics in formerly Catholic schools. Before nationalisation, these schools catered primarily to urban, middle-class, and often Christian families—many of whom valued English-medium education and had aspirations for professional or overseas careers.[11]
After the schools were absorbed into the public system, religious-based admissions policies were abolished, and state-run admission processes prioritised geographic proximity and social equity. As a result, students from rural, Sinhala Buddhist, and Tamil Hindu backgrounds increasingly enrolled in these formerly elite institutions. The presence of Catholic students and staff declined, particularly in areas without large Catholic populations.[12]
This demographic shift was welcomed by some as a step toward national integration and equity. However, others lamented the erosion of cultural identity and community continuity associated with Catholic schooling.[13]
Impact on the state
[edit]The takeover of Catholic schools significantly reshaped the role of the state in education. For the first time, the government assumed direct control over a majority of the island's schools, which expanded its bureaucratic and financial responsibilities. This marked a shift from a mixed public-private education model to a predominantly state-run system, reinforcing the central role of the state in nation-building.[14]
The policy helped legitimise the Bandaranaike government among Sinhala Buddhist constituencies and leftist allies by appearing to curb the influence of foreign-linked religious institutions. It also symbolised the post-colonial state's commitment to egalitarianism, linguistic nationalism, and mass education.[15]
However, the sudden expansion of state responsibilities strained administrative capacity, especially in rural areas. The government struggled to maintain the academic standards, infrastructure, and discipline previously upheld by mission-run institutions. Moreover, it faced international criticism—particularly from the Vatican and Western governments—for perceived violations of religious freedom.[16]
The takeover also exposed the state to long-term challenges, including politicisation of school administration, teacher appointments based on patronage, and disputes over language of instruction.
Long-term effects and legacy
[edit]Over time, many Catholic schools adapted to the new system, while others flourished as private institutions. The reforms led to greater uniformity in access to education but were also associated with a decline in educational quality and discipline, especially in rural areas. The Catholic Church, having lost control over many of its schools, shifted its focus toward higher education, teacher training, and charitable services. The 1961 school takeover and the 1962 coup attempt remain controversial episodes in Sri Lanka's post-colonial history, reflecting deepening fault lines between the state, religion, and social class.
References
[edit]- ^ Little, Angela (1999). Labouring to Learn: Towards a Political Economy of Plantations, People and Education in Sri Lanka. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9780333728792.
{{cite book}}
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value: checksum (help) - ^ Alles, A.C. (1975). Education in Sri Lanka: An Historical Overview. Colombo: M.D. Gunasena.
- ^ De Silva, K.M. (1981). A History of Sri Lanka. University of California Press. ISBN 9780520041948.
{{cite book}}
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value: checksum (help) - ^ Pieris, Ralph (1978). Religion and the Public Sphere in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Lake House Press.
- ^ Jayasuriya, Laksiri (1991). "Religious Conflict in Sri Lanka: A Historical and Political Analysis". South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. 14 (1): 43–62. doi:10.1080/00856409108723140.
- ^ Wilson, A.J. (1988). The Break-Up of Sri Lanka: The Sinhalese-Tamil Conflict. C. Hurst.
- ^ Kodikara, Shelton (1976). The 1962 Coup Attempt in Ceylon: A Case Study of Civil-Military Relations. Colombo: Marga Institute.
- ^ Wickramasinghe, Nira (2006). Sri Lanka in the Modern Age: A History of Contested Identities. University of Hawai‘i Press. ISBN 9780824830165.
{{cite book}}
: Check|isbn=
value: checksum (help) - ^ Jayaweera, Swarna (2005). Educational Policies and Reforms in Sri Lanka for a Knowledge Society (Report). National Education Commission.
- ^ Little, Angela (1999). Labouring to Learn: Towards a Political Economy of Plantations, People and Education in Sri Lanka. Palgrave Macmillan.
- ^ De Silva, K.M. (1981). A History of Sri Lanka. University of California Press.
- ^ Jayaweera, Swarna (1982). "Educational Change in Sri Lanka: Policy Perspectives". Sri Lanka Journal of Social Sciences. 5 (1–2).
- ^ Wickramasinghe, Nira (2006). Sri Lanka in the Modern Age: A History of Contested Identities. University of Hawai‘i Press.
- ^ Jayaweera, Swarna (1978). "Education and the Role of the State in Sri Lanka". Comparative Education Review. 22 (3).
- ^ Wickramasinghe, Nira (2006). Sri Lanka in the Modern Age: A History of Contested Identities. University of Hawai‘i Press.
- ^ De Silva, K.M. (1981). A History of Sri Lanka. University of California Press.