Draft:Dutch Postcolonial Efforts in the Twenty-First Century
Ethical Policy
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The Netherlands' Colonial Past
[edit]Overview of Dutch Colonialism
[edit]
The Netherlands’ colonial history spans over four centuries, beginning in the early 17th century with the establishment of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 1602. Nineteen years later, the Dutch West India Company (GWC) was founded. Under the VOC, Dutch expansion extended beyond trading posts along the Indian subcontinent and the Asian coast and notably resulted in the establishment of the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia) as the Netherlands' largest and most significant colony[1]. The VOC also played a role in the colonization of the Cape Colony (South Africa), though Dutch control there ended in 1795[2]. Dutch efforts in the Atlantic world under the GWC were less extensive in comparison. Between 1624 and 1654, the GWC controlled Portuguese territory in northeast Brazil but was defeated shortly after by the resistance[3]. By the late 17th century, the Dutch empire in the Americas primarily consisted of six small Antillean islands and three colonies along the Wild Coast (present-day Suriname, Guyana, and French Guiana)[1].
Justifications of Colonialism in Dutch Historical Discourse
[edit]Ethical Policy
[edit]In the 19th century, the Dutch, like other European colonial powers, embraced the notion of a "civilizing mission" (mission civilisatrice). This ideology was mostly used in justifying French colonialism and proposed that Europeans had a moral obligation to "civilize" non-European societies by introducing Western values[4]. It has its roots on French philosopher Marquis de Condorcet’s belief of a “holy duty” towards non-Europeans[5]. Dutch Ethical Policy then exemplified this approach. This policy, introduced by Queen Wilhelmina during her annual speech in 1901, was a Dutch colonial policy aimed at the so-called moral responsibility (“ethical calling”) of the Netherlands toward its colony. It had two main goals: Ensuring Dutch authority while “guiding” the colony toward self-rule under Dutch oversight as well as integrating indigenous elites into colonial administration through targeted policies. The policy created new opportunities for indigenous intellectuals but also led to increased censorship[6].
Scientific Pursuit
[edit]After the decline of the Dutch Ethical Policy, the colonial administration in the 1920s shifted to using "pure science" as a justification for continued rule. This approach, shaped by figures like F.C. Koningsberger, was claimed to be independent of political and economic interests. As European empires faced increasing scrutiny post-World War I, Dutch authorities used their support for pure science to present their colonial rule as enlightened and morally justified. They argued that investment in independent scientific research demonstrated that Dutch colonialism was not purely exploitative. This narrative helped maintain international legitimacy at a time when the broader justification for colonial rule was weakening. However, in practice, scientific research remained a tool for maintaining colonial power[7].
The Grotian Myth
[edit]The Grotian myth refers to the self-perception of the Netherlands as a peaceful nation which has historically prioritized international law and ethical governance over imperial ambitions. This view is rooted in the works of Hugo Grotius and has been used to obscure the country’s colonial history. The Dutch tradition of legalism, neutrality, and commitment to international institutions (moral approach to international relations) has often been framed as part of the Grotian tradition [8]. Dutch international law scholars, including Cornelis van Vollenhoven, played a role in reinforcing this myth. While he criticized certain exploitative aspects of colonialism, his work still operated within a framework that assumed European superiority in governance and legal structures. This legalistic justification persisted even after World War II, when the Netherlands attempted to reassert control over Indonesia by force while maintaining the rhetoric of international law and order. The Grotian myth therefore actively provided Dutch colonialism with an intellectual and legal foundation while also hindering the post-colonial discussion on it[9].
Counter Narratives
[edit]Indonesian Perspectives
[edit]- Sistem Tanam Paksa (Cultivation System)
Sistem Tanam Paksa, or Cuulturestelsel in Dutch, was a policy introduced by Governor-General Johannes van den Bosch in 1830 during Dutch colonial rule in the Dutch East Indies. Under this system, villages were required to allocate 20% of their land for growing export crops, particularly coffee, sugarcane, and indigo. These crops were then sold to the colonial government at fixed prices, with the harvest handed over to the authorities. For villagers without land, the system imposed forced labor, requiring them to work 75 days per year (about 20% of the year) on government-owned plantations as a form of taxation. However, in practice, the rules were much harsher. Instead of just 20% of agricultural land, nearly all farmland was forced to grow export crops, and the produce had to be handed over to the Dutch government. Farmers without land also were often required to work year-round. This system was considered one of the most oppressive economic policies in colonial Indonesia. The immense profits from this system significantly funded Dutch economic expansion, contributing to the so-called "golden age" of liberal colonialism from 1835 to 1940[10].
- Mass violence and military oppression: Perang Aceh (Aceh War)
The Aceh War (1873–1904) was a prolonged and brutal conflict between the Sultanate of Aceh and the Dutch colonial forces, stemming from Western powers’ increasing interest in the region. This interest was formalized through agreements such as the London Treaty (1824) and the Sumatra Treaty (1871) between Britain and the Netherlands, which outlined their respective spheres of influence in Sumatra. On March 26, 1873, the Netherlands officially declared war on the Sultanate of Aceh. The conflict, known as Perang Sabi (Holy War), lasted for over 30 years and resulted in significant death tolls. Despite fierce resistance from Acehnese fighters, Dutch forces gradually gained control, forcing the last Sultan of Aceh, Tuanku Muhammad Daud, to recognize Dutch sovereignty. Aceh then was administratively incorporated into the Dutch East Indies as a province. Despite the formal annexation of Aceh, resistance continued in various parts of the region. Acehnese fighters employed guerrilla tactics, and their struggle against Dutch rule persisted well into the early 20th century[11].
Caribbean and Surinamese Perspectives
[edit]- Enslavement under the Dutch West India Company (GWC)
The Netherlands played a significant role in the transatlantic slave trade, facilitating the forced migration of approximately one million Africans between 1596 and 1829. Of these, around half a million were transported to Dutch-controlled territories in the Caribbean and South America, particularly Curaçao, St. Eustatius, and Suriname. While a portion of them remained on the islands to work in local industries, most were trans-shipped to Spanish colonies, which made Curaçao and St. Eustatius as major transit points. In Suriname, the Dutch established a highly exploitative plantation system centered around sugar production with brutal working conditions[12].
- Slave revolts and resistance in Curaçao
On 17 August 1795, a major slave revolt erupted in Curaçao, inspired by the Haitian Revolution. Despite its suppression, the 1795 revolt remains a pivotal moment in Curaçao’s history. Instead of the Dutch-imposed Emancipation Day (1 July 1863), Curaçaoans commemorate 17 August as Dia di lucha pa libertat (Day of the Struggle for Freedom), officially recognizing it in 1984. In 2009, Tula was also proclaimed a national hero. This revolt was not the first instance of resistance in Curaçao. Earlier uprisings occurred in 1716, 1750, and 1774, which shows a long-standing struggle against slavery in the region. Unrest also persisted after the suppression of Tula’s revolt. However, British and American intervention ensured the survival of slavery and restored Dutch control over Curaçao after the Napoleonic Wars[13].
South African Perspectives
[edit]- Apartheid foundations in the Cape Colony

In 1652, the VOC established a "refreshment station" at the Cape of Good Hope to supply ships on their way to the East. However, this was not simply a neutral outpost. The indigenous KhoiKhoi and San people, who had lived in the region for thousands of years, were subjected to violent dispossession and forced labor as the VOC expanded its foothold in the region[15]. Central to the colonial infrastructure was the establishment of the Slave Lodge in 1655. Over 60,000 enslaved individuals were forcibly brought to the Cape, with the Slave Lodge serving as a living space for many of them under horrible conditions, with a high mortality rate. The legacy of these colonial practices laid the foundation for the racial and social structures that would be formalized under apartheid. Despite this, the significance of Dutch slavery in the Cape has often been neglected in public discourse, overshadowed by more recent historical events such as the struggle against apartheid in the 20th century[16].
Counter Movements Against Addressing the Colonial Past in the Netherlands
[edit]Government Response
[edit]
Sparked by 2020 Black Lives Matter protests, statues in the Netherlands were torn down or vandalized because they depicted controversial historical figures. Former Dutch prime minister and current secretary general of NATO Mark Rutte stated that “you cannot make history disappear,” so statues should not be taken down. Instead, Rutte stated, we should speak about the pros and cons attached to controversial figures. Rutte called J P Coen, a seafarer and conqueror whose statue was vandalized in 2020, “a visionary, but he also led punishment expeditions against the Banda Islands, in which thousands of people died.”[17]
In a speech in 2022, Rutte took accountability for Dutch slavery on behalf of the Dutch government, stating that, “to break those patterns, we also have to face up to the past, openly and honestly.” He said that history must remain visible; “the government wants to work more intensively to enhance knowledge of the history of slavery, thus ensuring more awareness, acknowledgement and understanding.” Addressing the colonial past cannot be done by erasing the tangible history in front of us, Rutte said, but rather by accepting and learning from it. Rutte had previously declined to apologize about something “for which no one today can be blamed.” While some viewed this apology as a necessary step toward historical accountability, critics argued it was performative and lacked input from the previous Dutch colonies.[18]
Some conservative politicians opposed financial reparations, arguing that modern Dutch citizens should not bear responsibility for historical injustices. In contrast, activists and descendants of enslaved people criticized the apology for lacking concrete reparative measures.
Right-wing parties, including Party for Freedom (PVV) and Forum for Democracy (FvD), have strongly opposed efforts to confront the Netherlands’ colonial history. PVV leader Geert Wilders has criticized government apologies and discussions about slavery, calling them an attempt to impose “historical guilt” on the Dutch people. FvD leader Thierry Baudet maintained in a parliamentary debate that colonialism was a “grandiose project of beauty and honor.”[19] Europeans were so generous to expose the colonized peoples to the unique European superiority; because of “geography, genetics, and history,” the colonized people had to be shown the “blessings of European existence.” Baudet insinuated a genetic inferiority of colonized people to Dutch people and Europeans. After his election in 2019, Baudet lamented what he viewed as Europe’s decline, stating that Europeans had once “confidently spread to every corner of the world” but had since lost their sense of cultural and civilizational superiority. His remarks were met with controversy; critics accused him of glorifying colonialism while dismissing its violent and exploitative aspects.[20]
Populus Response
[edit]
In Dutch tradition, Saint Nicholas (Sinterklaas) is accompanied by an assistant known as Zwarte Piet (Black Pete). Traditionally, Zwarte Piet is depicted as a figure in blackface, with exaggerated lips, large gold earrings, and curly black hair. Dutch citizens don this attire every year for Sinterklaas events. The character is often portrayed as mischievous, assisting Sinterklaas in delivering gifts to children. Historically, children were warned that if they misbehaved, Zwarte Piet would take them away in a burlap sack to work in Sinterklaas’s workshop or even to Spain.
In recent decades, Zwarte Piet has become a topic of heated debate, particularly over its racist connotations. Critics argue that the character perpetuates blackface and colonial stereotypes, while supporters defend it as a harmless Dutch tradition. Activists from groups such as Kick Out Zwarte Piet (KOZP) have campaigned for the character’s removal. Counter-protests have also emerged, with supporters arguing that the criticism is an attack on Dutch culture. In November of 2018, violent protests emerged throughout the Netherlands, where football rioters verbally and physically attacked KOZP activists.[21]
The Dutch government has taken a mixed stance on the issue. In 2014, then-Prime Minister Mark Rutte initially defended the tradition, stating, “Zwarte Piet is just black, and I can’t change that.”[22] However, in 2020, he acknowledged that the character had become a symbol of racial division and that he had changed his views after speaking to Dutch citizens who felt discriminated against. [23]
Right-wing parties, including Geert Wilders’ PVV and Thierry Baudet’s FvD, have strongly opposed changes to Zwarte Piet. Wilders has called the criticism “cultural Marxism,”[24] while Baudet has accused opponents of trying to erase Dutch heritage. Some municipalities and television broadcasts have since introduced a modified version of the character, known as “Soot Piet,” where the character is no longer fully black but instead has smudges of soot, representing a chimney sweep rather than a racial caricature.[25]
Academic Response
[edit]While many historians and activists emphasize that violence, exploitation, and racial oppression are inherent in Dutch colonialism, some scholars and commentators argue the economic and cultural benefits of colonial rule. Some historians, such as Piet Emmer, argue that Dutch colonialism should not be judged solely by modern moral standards and that it also had economic and infrastructural benefits. In his writings, Emmer has claimed that colonized territories experienced economic development under Dutch rule, with increased trade, infrastructure, and administrative organization. He has also argued that the Dutch involvement in slavery was less severe than that of other colonial powers like Britain, Spain, or Portugal. His work has sparked controversy, with critics accusing him of downplaying the suffering of enslaved and colonized people.[26]
Media Response
[edit]As Dutch institutions, like museums, universities, and media organizations have increasingly sought to “decolonize” their collections and curricula, there has been pushback from public figures, media personalities, and political commentators. Critics argue that such efforts represent an erasure of Dutch history and a form of "cancel culture."[27]
In the case of the Mauritshuis museum, the VVD, led by Antoinette Laan, criticized the museum's decision to remove a bust of Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen, a noble involved in the transatlantic slave trade, citing it as an example of “importing the American trend towards hypersensitivity.”[28] Laan warned that this kind of action was setting a dangerous precedent and asked, “What is the next step? Are we going to put all the statues indoors now, so that they can be placed within a 'context'?” PVV MP Martin Bosma called the removal of the bust “totally idiotic,” referring to it as part of an ongoing “politically correct iconoclasm” that undermines the nation’s history and cultural heritage.
Current initiatives
[edit]Apologies and Official Recognition
[edit]The Netherlands has taken significant steps in officially recognizing its colonial past and the injustices that resulted from it. One of the most notable developments was Prime Minister Mark Rutte's formal apology in December 2022 for the Netherlands' role in the transatlantic slave trade. This statement acknowledged the profound suffering caused by Dutch colonial policies and slavery, explicitly recognizing the state's responsibility [29]. The apology followed years of activism and research highlighting the long-term socio-economic consequences of slavery and colonial exploitation.
In addition to Rutte’s statement, King Willem-Alexander extended an apology in 2023 for the Dutch royal family's involvement in slavery, expressing deep regret for the actions of his ancestors. During a speech at the commemoration of the Netherlands’ role in slavery, the king acknowledged the historical injustices perpetrated by the monarchy and announced an independent inquiry into the Dutch royal family's colonial connections [30].
At the municipal level, various Dutch cities have followed suit. The mayors of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht, and The Hague have issued their own formal apologies for their historical involvement in the slave trade. These cities had direct economic benefits from slavery, funding infrastructure and cultural institutions through wealth derived from enslaved labor [31].
Beyond verbal apologies, the Dutch government has pledged financial resources to address the legacy of colonialism. In 2023, the Netherlands announced the establishment of a €200 million fund aimed at reconciliation, education, and social projects related to colonial history. While this initiative marks progress, critics argue that it falls short of direct reparations and fails to compensate affected communities adequately [32].
Repatriation of Cultural Artifacts
[edit]In recent years, the Netherlands has taken significant steps to address its colonial legacy by repatriating cultural artifacts to their countries of origin. A notable instance occurred in January 2025, when Indonesia's National Museum showcased centuries-old stone Buddha statues and precious jewelry returned by the Dutch government. This collection was part of over 800 artifacts repatriated under a 2022 agreement between Indonesia and the Netherlands. These objects, many looted or seized during colonial rule, highlight Indonesia's rich heritage and the nation's prolonged efforts to reclaim its cultural property [33].

Similarly, in September 2024, the Netherlands returned 288 cultural items to Indonesia, including four Hindu-Buddhist statues from Java and 284 objects such as coins, jewelry, textiles, and weapons from Bali. This restitution was based on recommendations from the Commission for Colonial Collections and reflects the Netherlands' commitment to rectifying historical injustices [34].
Beyond Indonesia, the Netherlands agreed in February 2025 to return 119 artifacts, known as the Benin Bronzes, to Nigeria. These items, primarily housed in a museum in Leiden, were looted in the 19th century by British soldiers from present-day Nigeria. The collection includes human and animal figures, plaques, royal regalia, and a bell, marking one of the largest repatriations of Benin antiquities to date [35].
Museum Initiatives and Exhibitions
[edit]Dutch museums have actively engaged in confronting the nation's colonial history. The National Museum of World Cultures (NMVW) was among the first European institutions to develop mechanisms for repatriating artifacts looted from former colonies. These efforts have led to the creation of comprehensive colonial-era inventories, assessing the origins of thousands of objects.

In addition to repatriation, several exhibitions have been organized to raise awareness of the Netherlands' colonial past. The Rijksmuseum's 2021 exhibition, "Slavery," explored personal stories of enslaved individuals and their descendants, offering an in-depth look at the human impact of slavery. Similarly, the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam has created permanent exhibits that critically assess Dutch colonialism and its lasting consequences. These exhibitions aim to provide visitors with historical context and contemporary reflections on colonial legacies.
Dutch museums have also partnered with media organizations to broaden public discourse. The Rijksmuseum collaborated with De Volkskrant on a year-long investigative series that examined the colonial origins of wealth in Dutch society, highlighting businesses and institutions that directly profited from slavery and colonial enterprises. This initiative aimed to challenge public perceptions and encourage more nuanced discussions about colonialism in the Netherlands.
Establishment of the National Slavery Museum
[edit]A significant development in acknowledging the Netherlands' colonial past is the establishment of the National Slavery Museum in Amsterdam. Initiated in 2017 by the Amsterdam City Council, the museum aims to serve as a space for reflection, education, and dialogue about the Dutch slavery history. The museum's scope encompasses the trans-Atlantic slavery history as its foundation, while also integrating narratives related to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and slavery in the Indian Ocean region. This initiative seeks to contribute significantly to the recognition and understanding of Amsterdam's and the Netherlands' slavery history, offering visitors insights into both historical events and their contemporary implications [36].
Academic and Cultural Reflections
[edit]Scholarly works have critically examined the enduring effects of colonialism and the importance of addressing this legacy. The Future of the Dutch Colonial Past provides an overview of scholarly reflections on Dutch slavery and colonization, translating these insights into critical cultural practices [37]. Historians and social scientists have increasingly engaged with archival research to uncover forgotten or overlooked aspects of the Dutch colonial past, bringing these discussions into public and academic spheres.
The Netherlands' self-image has also been challenged as the country confronts its colonial past. Public debates have emerged over renaming streets and removing statues of colonial figures. In 2023, the Amsterdam city council approved the renaming of several locations historically linked to colonial atrocities, sparking national debates on how history should be commemorated [38]. Similar discussions are ongoing in Rotterdam, where activists have called for the removal of monuments honoring colonial-era figures.
Legal and Ethical Considerations
[edit]The debate on the implications of Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia recently intensified after a report concluded that Dutch forces had used extreme violence. The report, published by Dutch and Indonesian historians in 2022, documented systemic violence, war crimes, and political suppression during Indonesia's fight for independence from 1945 to 1949. It concluded that Dutch authorities deliberately misrepresented the scale of these actions for decades [39].
The findings of this report have prompted legal discussions on accountability and reparations. Victims and their descendants have pursued legal action against the Dutch government, leading to financial compensation for some families affected by colonial violence. In 2023, a Dutch court ruled in favor of Indonesian families seeking damages for mass executions carried out by the Dutch military, setting a precedent for further claims [40]. However, broader questions remain about institutional responsibility and the extent of reparations owed to former colonies.
Legal scholars have also raised concerns about international law and historical justice, debating whether the Netherlands should establish more formal reparations mechanisms beyond individual compensation. Some argue that financial restitution should be paired with structural changes in education and public policy to ensure a comprehensive reckoning with colonial injustices.
These legal and ethical debates reflect a growing awareness of the need for sustained engagement with the Netherlands' colonial history. While progress has been made, ongoing discussions suggest that the country still grapples with the full implications of its past actions and their contemporary legacies.
References
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