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Betar (ancient city)

Coordinates: 31°43′48.0″N 35°08′08.0″E / 31.730000°N 35.135556°E / 31.730000; 35.135556
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This article is about the ancient Jewish town destroyed during the Bar Kokhba Revolt. For other uses, see Betar (disambiguation).
Betar
בֵּיתַּר (Hebrew)
Ancient fortifications at the site
Betar (ancient city) is located in the West Bank
Betar (ancient city)
Shown within the West Bank
Alternative nameBether, Bethar, Betthar, Bettar, Beitar, Beth-ar, Beth-er
LocationBattir, West Bank, Palestine
RegionJudaean Mountains
Coordinates31°43′48.0″N 35°08′08.0″E / 31.730000°N 35.135556°E / 31.730000; 35.135556
Palestine grid163/126
Typesettlement
Part ofKingdom of Judah (first)
Judaea (Roman province) (last)
Height680 m
History
Abandoned135 CE
PeriodsIron Age II to Roman period
Associated withJews
EventsBar Kokhba revolt
Site notes
ConditionIn ruins

Betar (Hebrew: בֵּיתַּר, romanized: Bēttar) was an ancient Jewish town in the Judaean Mountains, continuously inhabited since the Iron Age and up until the 2nd century CE. It is most famously known as the final stronghold of the Bar Kokhba revolt was besieged and destroyed by the Romans in 135 CE.

Betar appears in various ancient sources, including the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds, as well as in midrashic literature and Patristic writings. These accounts depict the siege as a prolonged and devastating campaign, culminating in the large-scale massacre of its inhabitants. According to Jewish tradition, tens of thousands were killed, and their bodies were left unburied until the reign of Emperor Antoninus Pius, when burial was finally permitted. The fall of Betar is observed on the fast day of Tisha B'Av, alongside other national calamities such as the destruction of the First and Second Temples in Jerusalem.

The archaeological site of ancient Betar, also known as Tel Betar (Hebrew: תל ביתר, lit. 'Tell of Betar') or Khirbet al-Yahud (Arabic: خربة اليهود, lit. 'Ruin of the Jews'), is located near the modern Palestinian village of Battir, which preserves the ancient name. Although it has never been systematically excavated, limited archaeological work has revealed remains associated with the Roman siege and destruction, such as hurriedly-built defensive walls, slingstones and arrowheads. Additional information about the siege comes from a nearby Latin inscription that names detached troops from Legio V Macedonica and Legio XI Claudia, while the remains of surrounding Roman camps suggest a siege force numbering up to 10,000–12,000 soldiers.

Betar's legacy endures into the modern era. In 1923, the name Betar was adopted by the Revisionist Zionist youth movement, invoking the town's fall as a symbol of Jewish heroism and national resilience. In 1950, the moshav Mevo Beitar was founded near the site of the ancient city by members of the Betar movement. Four decades later, in 1990, the settlement of Beitar Illit was established just one kilometer from the ruins, likewise named in memory of ancient Betar.

Name and etymology

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The name appears in the Talmud most frequently as ביתר (Betar), and has been rendered in various forms, including Bether, Bethar, Beitar, Betthar, Beth-tar, and Beth-ter.[1] Bēttar might mean the "place of the blade", based on the variant spelling found in the Jerusalem Talmud (Codex Leiden), where the place name is written בֵּיתתֹּר Bēṯ-Tor,[2] the name may have simply been a contraction of two words, meaning "house of a dove." Alternatively, the name may have meant “house of Jether," a Judahite clan living in this area of the Judaean Mountains during the First Temple period according to 1 Chronicles 2:53.[3]

The ruins of ancient Betar are located at the archeological site of Tel Betar,[4] whose Arabic name, Khirbet el-Yehûd (خربة اليهود, 'Ruin of the Jews')[5][1] may preserve a historical memory of Betar's fall and destruction during the Bar Kokhba revolt.[6] Battir (also spelled Bittir), the contemporary Palestinian Arab village where the ruin is located, preserves the ancient name of Betar.[7]

Location and geography

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Today the Betar archeological site (Khirbet el Yahud) is in Area C of the West Bank, immediately to the north of the built up area of the Palestinian town of Battir.

Betar was perched on a prominent hill about 11 kilometres (6.8 mi) southwest of Jerusalem.[8] Deep valleys to the west, north, and east of the hill surround it. It was situated on a declivity that rises to an elevation of about 680 metres (2,230 ft) above sea-level. The Roman road that connected Jerusalem with Beit Guvrin before going on to Gaza passed through the Valley of Rephaim, which is to the north.[8] It connects by a saddle to another hill to the south, where the remains of the ancient Roman camps can still be seen from the air.[9]

Early history

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The origins of Betar are likely in the Iron Age Kingdom of Judah, as evidenced by pottery findings dating to Iron Age II, the 8th century BCE until the fall of the kingdom.[10] It is not mentioned in the Masoretic Text of the Hebrew Bible, but is added in the Septuagint (in Codex Sinaiticus) as one of the cities of the Tribe of Judah after Joshua 15:59,[11] using the Greek spelling (Ancient Greek: Βαιθηρ).[8][12] It also appears with the variant spelling Βαιθθηρ in Codex Alexandrinus' version of the Septuagint at 1 Chronicles 6:44.[8] The discovery of a LMLK-stamped jar handle with a two-winged symbol, characteristic of the late 8th century BCE, supports the presence of a Judahite settlement at Betar during the Iron Age II.[13]

Several coins dating to the Second Temple period have been recovered from the site, including a dilepton of Antiochus III (r. 222–187 BCE), an illegible coin from the Hellenistic period, prutot issued under Hasmonean king Alexander Jannaeus (r. 103–76 BCE), and a coin of Herod the Great (r. 37–4 BCE) minted in Samaria.[14]

Following the destruction of Jerusalem during the First Jewish–Roman War, in 70 CE, Betar's importance grew. It is believed that early in Hadrian's rule, Jewish institutions relocated there, probably due to the city's proximity to the destroyed Jerusalem.[8] The fortified summit of Betar enclosed an area of approximately 40 dunams. Based on archaeological estimates of population density, David Ussishkin believes the site housed 1,000 to 2,000 people prior to the Bar Kokhba revolt.[15]

Fall of Betar

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Siege of Betar
Part of Bar Kokhba revolt

Fortifications of ancient Betar
DateAugust 135 CE[16]
Location
Judaea, Roman Empire
Result Roman victory
Belligerents
Jews Roman Empire
Commanders and leaders
Simon Bar Kokhba
Units involved
Legio V Macedonica[17]
Legio XI Claudia[17]

During the Bar Kokhba revolt, Betar served as the final stronghold of Simon bar Kokhba, the leader of the uprising.[11] Multiple ancient Jewish sources, including the Talmuds (works of religious law) and midrashim (rabbinical exegeses of the Bible), mention the city, the siege, and the fate of its inhabitants. The 4th-century Christian historian Eusebius of Caesarea also refers to the siege, writing: "The war reached its height in the eighteenth year of the reign of Hadrian in Beththera, which was a strong citadel not very far from Jerusalem; the siege lasted a long time before the rebels were driven to final destruction by famine and thirst and the instigator of their madness paid the penalty he deserved."[18][8] His contemporary, Jerome, also referenced the event: "In this month was the temple in Jerusalem set on fire and destroyed by Nabuchodonosor and, many years afterwards, by Titus and Vespasian, and (in this month) the town of Bether was taken, where many thousands of Jews had fled; and the temple was plowed by Turannius Rufus to the disgrace of the subjugated people."[19][20]

Archaeological surveys and limited excavations have helped reconstruct aspects of Betar during the revolt and siege. A defensive wall uncovered at the site was found to be hastily and unevenly constructed, leading archaeologists to conclude that it was likely built under pressure during the Roman advance. The construction involved filling sloped bedrock with earth and stones, building retaining walls as fortifications, and incorporating elements of earlier structures.[21] Today, modern houses have been built in the depression, along with the planting of fruit trees. Although the general ruin is now used by the villagers of Battir for growing olive trees, along the purlieu of the site can still be seen the partial, extant remains of a Herodian wall and a Herodian tower.[11]

Dozens of slingstones have been discovered at the site. One particularly large example, documented in 1894, weighed 41 kg and measured 30 cm in diameter.[22][23] In 1984, a total of 38 slingstones were found, including a concentration of 22 found in situ on the roof of a rectangular tower.[23] The stones varied in size, shape, and material: most were made of limestone, while a smaller number were composed of flint. Their inconsistent dimensions and roughly worked surfaces suggest that they were produced hastily, likely during the siege.[23] Iron arrowheads were also recovered; Although poorly preserved, they correspond to a type commonly associated with Bar Kokhba-era contexts, featuring three ridges and a tang. Similar arrowheads have been found in the Judaean Desert refuge caves linked to the revolt.[24]

Latin inscription near Battir's spring naming detachments of Legio V Macedonica and Legio XI Claudia

According to Kennedy and Riley, the size of the two largest camps discovered nearby (A and B) would indicate that there was enough for 6000 and 1800 soldiers during the siege of the city, respectively.[25][20] It is not definite that Camps C, E, and F were actually temporary Roman camps, but if they are contemporaneous with the addition of more troops in Camps C, D, E, and F, the overall siege force may have been around 10–12,000 soldiers.[25]

A rock-cut Latin inscription found near the spring in Battir, carved into a framed stone slab at the entrance to a water channel, identifies vexillarii—detached troops—from the Fifth Macedonian Legion (Legio V Macedonica) and the Eleventh Claudian Legion (Legio XI Claudia)—both normally stationed in Moesia Inferior, a Roman province in the Balkans.[17] The inscription suggests that these units took part in the siege of Betar, possibly constructing or maintaining the water infrastructure used during the campaign.[17]

The number of people that concentrated in Betar during the siege is uncertain.[15] According to Menahem Mor, some refugees from Betar likely fled to nearby including the Te'omim Cave and others in the adjacent Nahal Sorek region.[26]

Aftermath

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The destruction of Betar in 135 put an end to the Jewish–Roman wars against Rome, and effectively quashed any Jewish hopes for self-governance in that period. Following the Fall of Betar, the Romans went on a systematic campaign of wiping out the remaining Judean villages, and hunting down refugees and the remaining rebels, with the last pockets of resistance being eliminated by the spring of 136,[27] as mentioned in the chronicle of Cassius Dio.

The destruction of Betar by Roman troops, accompanied by the widespread killing of its residents, marked the end of habitation at the site.[28] Clermont-Ganneau interpreted the Latin inscription mentioning the legions as evidence of a Roman garrison stationed at the site in the aftermath of the revolt.[29][30] However, this interpretation has been challenged by David Ussishkin, who argues that the inscription was carved during the siege, not afterward.[31] Sometime later Bittir, the new gentile settlement and now a Palestinian village in the present, was established in the subsequent centuries.

Betar in rabbinic literature

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According to the Jerusalem Talmud, Betar remained a thriving town fifty-two years after the destruction of the Second Temple, until it came to its demise.[32] Modern chroniclers push back the destruction of Betar some years later, making the time-frame brought down in the Jerusalem Talmud hard to reconcile, even if, according to Jewish tradition, the destruction of the Second Temple occurred in 68 CE. Either the time-frame carried in the Talmud is a gross error, or else some of the dates used by modern-day chroniclers are purely anachronistic.[33][34]

Siege

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According to the Jerusalem Talmud, the city was besieged for three and a half years before it finally fell (Ta'anit 4:5 [13][35]). According to Jewish tradition, the fortress was breached and destroyed on the fast of Tisha B'Av, in the year 135, on the ninth day of the lunar month Av, a day of mourning for the destruction of the First and the Second Jewish Temple.[36] The Mishnah, Ta'anit 4:6 states: "On the ninth of Av, it was decreed that our fathers should not enter the Land, the Temple was destroyed the first and second time, Beitar was captured and the city [of Jerusalem] was plowed under."[37][8]

Earlier, when the Roman army had circumvallated the city (from Latin, circum- + vallum, round-about + rampart), some sixty men of Israel went down and tried to make a breach in the Roman rampart, but to no avail. When they had not returned and were presumed to be dead, the Chazal permitted their wives to remarry, even though their husbands' bodies had not been retrieved.[38]

According to Lamentations Rabbah, when Bar Kokhba's body was shown to Hadrian, the emperor ordered that the rest of the body be brought forward. It was discovered with a snake coiled around his neck, leading Hadrian to state: "If his God had not slain him, who could have overcome him?"[39][40]

Massacre

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The fall of Betar is described in rabbinic literature as a catastrophic event marked by large-scale loss of life. In Ta'anit 4:5, the Jerusalem Talmud states that the number of dead was so great that "the Roman "went about slaughtering them until a horse sunk in blood up to its nostrils, and the blood carried away boulders that weighted forty sela until it went four miles into the sea"—despite Betar being "forty miles distant from the sea."[41][42] The account also reports that only one youth survived the massacre: Simeon ben Gamaliel II.[citation needed]

Another account appears in the Babylonian Talmud, Gittin 57a–58a, where Rabbi Yohanan relates that "the brains of three hundred children were found upon one stone," along with "three hundred baskets of what remained of phylacteries (tefillin)"—each of which, it says, "had the capacity to hold three seahs" (approximately 28 liters). The text adds: "If you should come to take [all of them] into account, you would find that they amounted to three hundred measures."[43]

In Lamentations Rabbah, Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel is quoted as saying: "Five hundred schools were in Betar, while the smallest of them wasn't less than three hundred children." The children would say: "If the enemy should ever come upon us, with these styli [used in pointing at the letters of sacred writ] we'll go forth and stab them." The narrative concludes: "But since iniquities had caused [their fall], the enemy came in and wrapped up each and every child in his own book and burnt them together, and no one remained except me."[44][a]

According to the Babylonian Talmud, Berakhot 48b, Hadrian had prohibited the burial of the dead, and so all the bodies remained above ground; however, they miraculously did not decompose. Years later, Hadrian's successor, Antoninus Pius, allowed the dead a decent burial. During that time, the Sages of Yavne made it a rule to acknowledge God's goodness by adding "He that is good and who does good" (Hebrew: הטוב והמטיב) in the grace said over meals.

Research history

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Early documentation of the site began in the mid-19th century. The first to suggest the site's identification with Betar was Victor Guérin, who visited the site in 1863.[46][4] Subsequent investigations were carried out by Charles Simon Clermont-Ganneau, who examined the Latin inscription near the spring and supported Guérin's identification.[29][4] Around the same period, Joseph Germer-Durand examined the same inscription, documented a milestone along the Roman road near the site, and recorded the discovery of a slingstone in the wadi below.[47][48]

Systematic archaeological attention began in the early 20th century. In 1906, Eduard Zickermann conducted the first formal survey.[49][4] This was followed in 1923–1924 by a detailed topographic and architectural survey led by W.D. Carroll, who published a comprehensive site plan and catalog of the ancient remains.[50][4] In 1927, Albrecht Alt was the first to highlight the Roman siege system surrounding the site, which was further examined by Adolf Schulten in 1933.[51][4][52] In 1950, Adolf Reifenberg used aerial photography to identify two Roman military camps located south of the site.[53][4] Between 1944 and 1946, Shemuel Yeivin conducted a ground survey with documentation and photography by J. Schweig.[54][4]

In 1968, Moshe Kochavi conducted a wider regional survey of the Judean Mountains, identifying nearby settlements and military outposts associated with the Bar Kokhba revolt.[55][4] Additional aerial imagery and analysis of the site were later published by Kennedy and Riley in 1990.[4] They also measured the Roman siege camps.[25][20] In the 1970s, Z. Yeivin, then serving as the Archaeological Staff Officer for the Judea and Samaria Area, conducted a limited excavation (sounding) at the site, although the results were never formally published.[4]

In 1984, a trial excavation directed by David Ussishkin was conducted at Betar under the auspices of the Archaeological Staff Officer of Judea and Samaria, with assistance from the Institute of Archaeology at Tel Aviv University and the Israel Exploration Society. The excavation was carried out in response to illegal digging and damage caused by construction activity in the area.[56] Excavations on the southern summit revealed a semi-circular fortification buttress and extensive fills of limestone chips and brown soil, interpreted as artificial embankments used in construction a defensive wall.[57] On the southern slope, additional fortifications were exposed, including a rectangular tower and two more semi-circular buttresses. Walls constructed with ashlar stones were determined to be earlier than the Bar Kokhba fortifications, and possibly part of a public structure.[58]

Carved foundations at Khirbet al-Yahud

Legacy

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Judaism

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The fourth blessing in the Grace over meals is said to have been enacted by the Ḥazal in recognition of the dead at Betar who, although not afforded proper burial, their bodies did not putrefy and were, at last, brought to burial.[59]

Rabbinic literature offers several accounts regarding the reasons for Betar's destruction. According to a story in the Jerusalem Talmud, it was because its residents lit lamps after the Temple's destruction—a response to earlier events in Jerusalem where councilors accused pilgrims of seeking office or selling property. An associate would suggest forging a deed, which the councilor wrote and the associate signed. The forged deed was sent to the pilgrim's steward with orders to bar him from his property because it was sold, causing the victim to regret ever coming to Jerusalem.[60][61]

Talmudic tradition attributes the fall of Betar to a Samaritan who acted as a fifth column and sowed discord between Bar Kokhba and his maternal uncle, Rabbi Eleazar of Modi'im. Bar Kokhba suspected Eleazar of collaborating with the enemy and killed him with a single kick. This act forfeited divine protection, and shortly thereafter, Betar was captured and Bar Kokhba was killed.[62][63] According to another rabbinic legend found in the Babylonian Talmud, the people of Betar had a custom of planting a cedar tree for a newborn boy and a pine for a girl, using the trees to build their wedding canopy. One day, attendants of the emperor's daughter cut down one of these trees to fix a broken part of her litter. The local residents, angered by the act, attacked the attendants. When the emperor was told of the incident, it was reported as a rebellion, prompting him to launch a military assault on the city.[64][65]

In modern Battir

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A tradition recalling a siege involving Jews was documented among Arab residents of Battir in the 19th century, though it may have originated in modern times.[66] The tradition was recorded in 1874 by Charles Clermont-Ganneau, who reported being told by local fellahin (villagers) about a stone known as Hajr el Manjalik, or “the stone of the mangonel,” located on a plateau near Khirbet el-Yehud. It was said to mark the spot where a ruler named el-Melek edh-Dhaher had positioned cannon batteries to breach Khirbet el-Yehud.[67] A similar account was cited by J. E. Hanauer in 1894, although the villager who pointed out the stone said it was a "Neby" (prophet) who had "cannonaded" the Jews.[68] W.D. Carroll, who visited in the 1920s, also mentions this tradition.[66]

Revisionist and Religious Zionism

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Further information: Betar, Mevo Beitar, and Beitar Illit

The name of the Revisionist Zionist youth movement, Betar,[69] (בית״ר) refers to both the last Jewish fort to fall in the Bar Kokhba revolt,[70] and to the slightly altered Hebrew abbreviation of the phrase "Berit Trumpeldor"[71] or "Brit Yosef Trumpeldor" (ברית יוסף תרומפלדור), lit. 'Joseph Trumpeldor Alliance'.[69]

The village of Mevo Beitar was established on 24 April 1950 by local-born Jews and Jewish immigrants from Argentina who were members of the Beitar movement, including Matityahu Drobles, later a member of the Knesset.[72] It was founded in the vicinity of the Betar fortress location, around a kilometre from the Green Line, which gave it the character of an exposed border settlement until the Six-Day War.

Beitar Illit, lit. Upper Beitar, is named after the ancient Jewish city of Betar, whose ruins lie 1 kilometre (0.62 mi) away. It was established by a small group of young families from the religious Zionist yeshiva of Machon Meir. The first residents settled in 1990.[73]

Footnotes

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Notes

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  1. ^ This has been interpreted as evidence that members of the Patriarchal family, and possibly other sages, were present in Betar and supported the revolt. Historian David Goodblatt, however, questioned the historical reliability of this account, citing the implausibility of the numbers and preferring a parallel version from the Babylonian Talmud that refers instead to a thousand pupils studying in the house of Gamliel II in Yavne prior to the revolt, thus disconnecting the Patriarch from Betar. In response, Noah Hacham argued that numerical exaggeration is typical of ancient texts and should not disqualify the Jerusalem Talmud as a historical source; he further contended that the Babylonian Talmud sought to distance Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel from the revolt because it was shaped by the principle of dina de-malkhuta dina—an obligation for obedience to ruling authorities—which led its editors to suppress traditions that might appear sympathetic to uprisings against imperial power, unlike the Jerusalem Talmud, which preserved a tradition linking him with Betar and the rebel cause.[45]

References

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  1. ^ a b Carroll 1924, p. 78.
  2. ^ Jehiel ben Jekuthiel, ed. (1975). Talmud Yerushalmi (Codex Leiden, Scal. 3) (in Hebrew). Vol. 2. Makor Publishing Ltd. p. 644. OCLC 829454181.
  3. ^ "The Clans of Ephrat: Their History and Territory". Tel Aviv. 13. Tel Aviv University Institute of Archaeology: 52. 1986.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Ussishkin 1993, p. 66.
  5. ^ Palmer, 1881, p. 312
  6. ^ Ussishkin 1993, p. 96.
  7. ^ Tamén, Conder, Claude R. (1887). Tent Work in Palestine: A Record of Discovery and Adventure (1887 ed.). R. Bentley & Son. p. 143.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g Ameling et al. 2018, p. 597.
  9. ^ Ameling et al. 2018, pp. 597–598.
  10. ^ אוסישקין, דוד; Ussishkin, David (1992). "Archaeological Soundings at Betar Bar-Kokhba's Last Stronghold / חפירת בדיקה בביתר, מצודתו האחרונה של בר-כוכבא". Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies / ארץ-ישראל: מחקרים בידיעת הארץ ועתיקותיה. כג: 260–275. ISSN 0071-108X. JSTOR 23623598.
  11. ^ a b c Ben-Yosef, Sefi [in Hebrew] (n.d.). "Battir". Israel Guide - Judaea (A useful encyclopedia for the knowledge of the country) (in Hebrew). Vol. 9. Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House, in affiliation with the Israel Ministry of Defence. pp. 88–92. OCLC 745203905.
  12. ^ Septuagint (Codex Sinaiticus), p. 59a, Greek: καὶ Καρεμ καὶ Γαλλιμ καὶ Βαιθηρ καὶ Μανοχω, although some texts transcribe "Θεθηρ" instead of "Βαιθηρ".
  13. ^ Ussishkin 1993, p. 91.
  14. ^ Ussishkin 1993, p. 93.
  15. ^ a b Ussishkin 1993, p. 95.
  16. ^ Mor 2016, p. 214.
  17. ^ a b c d Ameling et al. 2018, pp. 598, 601–603.
  18. ^ Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, 4.6.3
  19. ^ Jerome, In Zachariam, 2,8,18f
  20. ^ a b c Ameling et al. 2018, p. 598.
  21. ^ Ussishkin 1993, pp. 82–85, 94, 96.
  22. ^ Germer-Durand 1894, p. 614.
  23. ^ a b c Ussishkin 1993, pp. 91–92.
  24. ^ Ussishkin 1993, p. 92.
  25. ^ a b c Kennedy & Riley 1990, p. 103f.
  26. ^ Mor 2016, p. 241.
  27. ^ Mohr Siebek et al. Edited by Peter Schäfer. The Bar Kokhba War reconsidered. 2003. P160. "Thus it is very likely that the revolt ended only in early 136."
  28. ^ Ussishkin 1993.
  29. ^ a b Clermont-Ganneau 1869, pp. 463–470.
  30. ^ Mor 2016, p. 216.
  31. ^ Ussishkin 1993, pp. 78, 95.
  32. ^ Jerusalem Talmud (Ta'anit 4:5 [24b])
  33. ^ Baras, Zvi; Safari, Shmuel; Rsafrir, Yoram; Stern, Menachem (1982). Eretz Israel from the destruction of the Second Temple to the Muslim conquest. Israel: Yad Ben Zvi.
  34. ^ Isaac, Benjamin (1998-01-01), "The Revolt of Bar Kokhba: Ideology and Modern Scholarship", The Near East under Roman Rule, Brill, pp. 220–256, ISBN 978-90-04-35153-0, retrieved 2024-06-27
  35. ^ "Jerusalem Talmud Taanit 4:5:13". www.sefaria.org. Retrieved 15 February 2022.
  36. ^ Mishnah (Taanit 4:6)
  37. ^ Mishnah, Ta'anit, 4:6
  38. ^ Tosefta (Yevamot 14:8)
  39. ^ Lamentations Rabbah, II, 2
  40. ^ Smallwood 1976, p. 456.
  41. ^ Jerusalem Talmud, Taanit 4:5 (24a); Midrash Rabba (Lamentations Rabba 2:5).
  42. ^ Mor 2016, pp. 469–470.
  43. ^ Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, 57a–58a
  44. ^ Lamentations Rabbah, 2:5
  45. ^ Mor 2016, pp. 452–454.
  46. ^ Guérin 1869, pp. 387–395: "(translated): … we arrive… on the plateau of a kind of peninsula crowned by the debris of an ancient acropolis, once fortified. Below this first plateau, a second to the north immediately dominates the Oued Bettir; it probably formed the lower town, whose predecessor was the acropolis. These two plateaus were supplied with water by the extremely considerable source of the current village of Bettir, which is itself difficult to access and could be easily defended. The site it occupies was undoubtedly part of the ancient city whose name it has retained. Therefore, it should not be concluded that the upper plateau could never be used as a plate for a citadel because it lacked water, given that, even admitting that it had no cisterns, which it is impossible to say, those it had could have been filled, there was in a very close neighborhood an inexhaustible source, of which it was very easy to prohibit access to the enemy, because of the escarpment of the path that leads there. I therefore tend to think, contrary to Robinson's conclusions, and agree on this with several other travelers, that it must be recognized in Bettir, in the Khirbet Bettir or Khirbet el-Yehoud and in the lower platform that I have reported, the Bether of antiquity, made so famous, at the time of Hadrian, by the heroic and fierce resistance that the Jews opposed, for three and a half years, under the leadership of the famous Bar-Cocheba, to all the efforts of the Romans."
  47. ^ Germer-Durand 1894, pp. 613–614.
  48. ^ Ussishkin 1993, pp. 66, 92.
  49. ^ Zickermann 1906, pp. 51–72.
  50. ^ Carroll 1924, pp. 77–103.
  51. ^ Alt 1927, pp. 5–51.
  52. ^ Schulten 1933, pp. 180–185.
  53. ^ Reifenberg 1950, pp. 40–46.
  54. ^ Yeivin 1952, pp. 105–121.
  55. ^ Kochavi 1972, pp. 19–89.
  56. ^ Ussishkin 1993, p. 70.
  57. ^ Ussishkin 1993, pp. 72–77.
  58. ^ Ussishkin 1993, pp. 78–84.
  59. ^ Babylonian Talmud, Berakhot 48b
  60. ^ Jerusalem Talmud, Ta'anit 4:8, 68d
  61. ^ Mor 2016, p. 96.
  62. ^ Jerusalem Talmud, Ta'anit IV, 68d; Lamentations Rabbah, II, 2
  63. ^ Yassif 2006, p. 728.
  64. ^ Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, 57a–b
  65. ^ Mor 2016, p. 97–99.
  66. ^ a b Carroll 1924, p. 78: "The whole southeastern, or higher part, is the khirbeh proper. It bears the name of Khirbet el-Yehud ("ruin of the Jews"). How far this name goes back is not known, but the Arabs seem to have a tradition (perhaps of modern origin) of a siege against the Jews at the place, and so jealous are they lest the Jews again gain possession of the khirbeh that they suspect the interested student of being their agent. They minutely questioned the writer's motives in spending so much time on the site, and only allowed him to work unmolested when they were satisfied that he was from the American School and only desired suwar (photographs) and a khartah (map) for a kitab (book). [...] This stone is mentioned by both Clermont-Ganneau and Hanauer as being connected with a legend of the Arab which states that it marks the spot from which the "nebi" or "el-Melek ez-Zaher" "cannonaded" the Jews. It is called by the fellahin hajr el-menjalik, "the stone of the mangonel or catapult." This was verified by showing a native a photograph of the stone. He immediately said, "that is not on the khirbeh, but is on the hill yonder. It is hajr el menjalik." However, one would scarcely want to rely upon the authenticity of this legend."
  67. ^ Clermont-Ganneau, 1896, Vol. 2, p. 469-470
  68. ^ Hanauer 1894, p. 149.
  69. ^ a b "Youth Movements: Betar". Centenary of Zionism: 1897–1997. Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 4 August 1998. Retrieved 26 September 2020.
  70. ^ מוסט, אריה יצחקי ורועי (2013-02-21). "יאללה בית"ר, יאללה: טיול לכבוד 90 שנה לתנועה". Ynet (in Hebrew). Retrieved 2024-06-27.
  71. ^ Shavit, Yaakov (1988). Jabotinsky and the Revisionist Movement 1925–1948. Frank Cass. p. 383.
  72. ^ "About Mevo Beitar". Archived from the original on 2019-12-17. Retrieved 2019-12-17.
  73. ^ Tzoren, Moshe Michael. "Some Talk Peace, Others Live It". Hamodia Israel News, November 21, 2018, pp. A18-A19.

Bibliography

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