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Albanians in Greece

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Albanians in Greece
Shqiptarët në Greqi
Αλβανοί στην Ελλάδα
Total population
ca. 480,000–670,000 Albanians[1][2][3][4][5][6]
Regions with significant populations
Athens · Attica · Thessaloniki · Peloponnese · Boeotia · Epirus · Thessaly
Languages
Albanian, Arvanitika, Greek
Religion
Islam (Sunnism, Bektashism), Christianity (Orthodoxy, Catholicism), Irreligion
Related ethnic groups
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Albanians
Geographical distribution
Native communities

Diaspora

Subgroups

Albanian culture
Architecture

Art

Cuisine

Traditions

Dances

Traditional clothing

Literature

Folklore

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Albanian language
Proto-Albanian

Gheg dialects

Tosk dialects

Religion
Christianity

Islam

Albanians in Greece (Albanian: Shqiptarët në Greqi; Greek: Αλβανοί στην Ελλάδα, romanized: Alvanoí stin Elláda) are people of Albanian ethnicity or ancestry who live in or originate from areas within modern Greece. They are divided into distinct communities as a result of different waves of migration. Albanians first migrated into Greece during the late 13th century. The descendants of populations of Albanian origin who settled in Greece during the Middle Ages are the Arvanites, who have been fully assimilated into the Greek nation and self-identify as Greeks. Today, they still maintain their distinct subdialect of Tosk Albanian, known as Arvanitika, although it is endangered as the younger generations no longer speak it due to language attrition.

The Chams are an Albanian group from the coastal parts of Epirus, in northwestern Greece and the southernmost part of Albania. The Chams of Muslim faith were expelled from Epirus during World War II after large parts of their population collaborated with the Axis occupation forces.[7] Greek Orthodox Albanian communities have been assimilated into the Greek nation.[8]

Alongside these two groups, a large wave of economic migrants from Albania entered Greece after the fall of Communism (1991) and forms the largest expatriate community in the country. They form the largest migrant group in Greece. A portion of these immigrants avoid declaring as Albanian in order to avoid prejudices and exclusion. These Albanian newcomers may resort to self-assimilation tactics such as changing their Albanian name to Greek ones, and if they are Muslim, their religion from Islam to Orthodoxy.[9] Through this, they hope to attain easier access to visas and naturalisation.[10] After migration to Greece, most are baptized and integrated.

While Greece does not record ethnicity on censuses, Albanians form the largest non-Greek ethnic community and the top immigrant population in the country.[11] As of 2019, Greece was the second top destination for Albanians, as movement to Greece constituted 35.3% of total Albanian immigration. Albanian immigrants are the largest immigrant community in Greece.[5] In recent years many Albanian workers and their families have left Greece for other countries in Europe in search of better prospects. In 2022, the number of Albanian citizens in Greece with a valid residency permit was 291,868; down from 422,954 in 2021. As of 2022, in total, there might have been more than 500,000 Albanian immigrants and their children who received Greek citizenship over the years.[12][13]

History and attestation

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Middle ages

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In the late spring of 1359, Nikephoros II Orsini, the last despot of Epirus of the Orsini dynasty, fought against the Albanians near river Acheloos, Aetolia. The victory of the Albanian tribes in the Battle of Achelous[14][15][16] left Epirus open to increasing Albanian migration. Albanian tribes soon conquered most of the region, except for Ioannina.[17] Arta was captured in 1367 or shortly after, becoming the centre of the Despotate of Arta, which lasted until 1416.[18]

Rise of the Despotate of Arta

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By the late 1360s, two Albanian principalities in the territories of modern-day Greece had emerged: the first with its capital in Arta under Pjetër Losha, and the second, centered in Angelokastron, under Gjin Bua Shpata.

The Despot of Ioannina, Thomas Preljubović, had betrothed his daughter to Losha's son in 1370, satisfying the Albanians and ending the conflict between them. In 1374, however, Pjetër Losha died of the plague in Arta, after which Shpata took the city. At this time he was not bound by agreement to Thomas, and so he laid siege to Ioannina and ravaged the countryside by defeating the forces of Preljubović. Thomas brought peace when he betrothed his sister Helena to Shpata the following year. Attacks on Ioannina continued, however, by the Malakasioi, who didn't succeed to take Ioannina in 1377 and 1379. This tribe acted independently and nor under the order of Shpata.[19]

In 1376 or 1377, Shpata conquered Nafpaktos; by this time he controlled Arta and much of southern Epirus and Acarnania. The Achaean Knights Hospitallers of Juan Fernández de Heredia began their invasion of Epirus, moving onto Shpata, capturing Nafpaktos, and then Vonitsa in Acarnania (April 1378). However, Shpata managed to defeat and capture Heredia as a hostage, ending their campaign; he was again master of Nafpaktos by 1380.[20] In May 1379, Shpata again devastated the countryside of Ioannina.[19]

In 1380, Thomas made an offensive with the help of Turks reaching up to the upper Kalamas River, where however, the Albanians, in particular, the tribe of Mazaraki held their defensive position and defeated Thomas again.[21]

Despotate of Arta, c. 1390

In 1384 Thomas Preljubović was killed by some of his bodyguards.[21] Gjin Bua Shpata attacked Ioannina but was unsuccessful in cracking the defense set up by Esau de' Buondelmonti. The two made peace but soon returned to the conflict. In 1386, Esau gained Ottoman military help. The Ottomans were, after the Battle of Kosovo (1389), unable to assist Esau, thus, the Albanians seized the opportunity and raided the environs of Ioannina in the summer by defeating Esau and forcing him to stay inside the city. The Malakasioi then raided into the territory, after which they concluded alliance with Shpata. Esau then allied himself with the caesar of Thessaly (either Alexios Angelos or Manuel), who defeated the Albanians, presumably the Malakasioi, later that year, but not Shpata.[22] In January 1396, Esau married Shpata's only daughter, Irene.[22] The marriage was part of a deal which the archons of Ioannina enforced on Esau in order to make peace with the Albanians.[23]

Shpata died on 29 October 1399, under the continuous pressure of Tocco. Shpata's son would become the next despot of Arta and Angelokastron for the next decade.

Depiction of Pal Bua Shpata, Church of the Parigoritissa, Arta, late 14th-early 15th century.
Depiction of Gjin Bua Shpata or possibly Muriq Shpata in the Church of the Parigoritissa in Arta, Greece.

Reign of Paul Boua Shpata

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Another powerful Albanian noble, Paul Boua Spata, came into political power in Greece after his father Skurra Bua Shpata had died in 1403 during warfare in a civil war. After his father’s death, Paul thus became the lord of Angelokastron and Naupaktos.[24][22] His father previously tried to claim the city of Arta after the death of Paul’s uncle Gjin Bua Shpata around 1399-1400. However, he was forced out by a local figure named Vango, who styled himself as a "Serbo-Albano-Bulgaro-Vlach." Although Vango was eventually expelled from the city, it was not restored to Paul's father, Skurra, but instead passed to Muriq Shpata, Gjin's grandson.[24][22]

Paul’s leadership began under difficult circumstances. The Spata and Boua clans were divided, and members of each family held scattered territories in the region. These divisions worked in favor of Carlo I Tocco, who used both diplomacy and military force to break Albanian resistance. He drew in local lords with offers of land and titles, secured alliances through marriage-including one between his cousin and Dimo Boua and bribed Muriki Boua, Dimo’s brother and a rival of Paul Spata, to join his cause. Throughout the early 1400s, Tocco led a series of campaigns across Aetolia and Acarnania. His forces captured or raided key sites such as Katochi, Barnako, and Kandeles, tightening their hold on the region. Paul, isolated and outmatched, struggled to defend Angelokastron as more coastal towns fell. One of the final blows came with the loss of Dragameston and Anatoliko. Dragameston, commanded by Lalthi who was Paul’s brother-in-law through his sister’s marriage, was also taken. While Lalthi escaped, Paul’s sister was captured and sent to Leukas to be held for ransom. Both these cities are critical to maintaining connections with the outside world.[22][25]

Paul persuaded the Ottomans to support him but were defeated near Vonitsa by Carlo I Tocco. Due to this, Paul handed over Angelocastron to the Ottomans and started negotiating with Venice to purchase Naupaktos and its port for 1,500 ducats.[22]

Other Albanian principalities

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Other Albanian principalities had also governed significant parts of modern-day Greece. The Albanian Lordship of Berat under the direct control of Andrea II Muzaka, a member of the Muzaka family, had taken control of Kastoria from the Serbian monarch Marko Mrnjavcevic in 1372.[26] His son Stoya Muzaka later inherited the city from his father Andrea and he, alongside Teodor II Muzaka constructed Church of St. Athanasius of Mouzaki in Kastoria.

In 1412 Muriq Shpata and Zenebishi (who was the leader of the most powerful tribe in the vicinity of Ioannina) formed an alliance against Carlo Tocco. They won an open-field battle against Tocco in 1412, but were unable to take over Ioannina. Tocco relied on support from the local Greeks. In 1414, Muriq Shpata died, and Zenebishi was defeated by the Ottomans and fled to the Venetian island of Corfu where he died in 1418.[27]

Map of the Morea (modern-day Greece) in the Middle Ages, showing the major sites and cities of the time period.

Morean Revolt

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Main article: Morea revolt of 1453–1454

The Byzantine Empire had ruled over the Morea for centuries before the rebellion. During the second half of the 14th century, several thousand Albanians had settled in the area.[28] After the Battle of Varna in 1444, the Ottoman Turks had a free hand in dealing with the remnants of the Byzantine Empire, which had been in decline for over a century. In 1446, the Ottomans invaded the Byzantine Morea which was then jointly administrated by the two brothers, the DespotsConstantine and Thomas Palaiologos. The brothers successfully resisted the invasion, but at the cost of devastating the countryside of the Morea, and the Turks carrying off 60,000 Greek civilians back to their territory.[29] Murad II, the Ottoman Sultan, concluded a peace treaty which resulted in the brothers paying a heavy tribute to the Turks, accepting vassalage to them and a promise not to oppose them in the future, for Murad had to deal with his own internal conflicts elsewhere.[30]

A nobleman in the Disputation of St. Catherine of Alexandria by Pinturicchio, believed to be the Albanian noble Peter Bua.

Shortly after the fall of Constantinople and the death of the last Byzantine Emperor Constantine XI, a large-scale revolt broke out among the Moreote Albanians against the two brothers, Thomas and Demetrios, due to the chronic insecurity and tribute payment to the Turks.[31] Some 30,000 Albanians participated in the revolt, having been aroused by Pjetër Bua, who was one of their chieftains, and quickly sent envoys to the Venetians, promising to place themselves under the Republic, as well as raising the banner of Saint Mark. The Venetian Senate quickly resolved to support this plea and send an ambassador to the rebels, but for reasons that are not fully clear this was not done; perhaps the Venetians feared that their interference in the Morea would result in war with the Ottomans. In the summer of 1454, another Venetian ambassador, Vettore Capello, was instead sent to the Morea to negotiate with all parties and try to purchase strategically important port cities for the Republic.[32]

The Albanians were soon joined by a considerable number of Greeks, who chose Manuel Kantakouzenos, a former governor of the Mani Peninsula and likely a grandson of the earlier Despot Matthew Kantakouzenos, as their leader in Demetrios' lands.[32][33] As the common Despot of both Greeks and Albanians, Kantakouzenos adopted the Albanian first name Ghin, and his wife Maria that of Cuchia.[32]

In Thomas' dominions, the revolt was led by John Asen Zaccaria, the son of the last Prince of Achaea, Centurione II Zaccaria, who had already led a failed uprising in 1446, and had been imprisoned with his eldest son by Thomas. During the initial confusion, they had managed to escape with the help of a clever Greek, Nicephorus Loukanis, who remained his chief adviser.[33][34] They took advantage of the widespread revolt against the Despots and seized the castle of Aetos, which raised the Zaccaria banners once more.

John achieved the support of many Latins, Greeks, and Albanians, and with them comprising his army, he besieged the city of Patras under Thomas' rule. The siege was initially successful, however as the Sultan's vassals, the despots called upon Turkish aid, and Omar, the son of the Ottoman governor of Thessaly Turakhan Beg, arrived in December 1453.[32][33] The revolt did not subside however, and in October 1454 Turakhan himself was forced to intervene. His arrival forced Zaccaria to abandoned his siege on Patras and retreat to Aetos.[35] In late 1454, faced with the united forces of Despot Thomas and his Turkish allies, he then abandoned the fortress and fled to the Venetian stronghold of Modon. The city of Aetos submitted, and the terms were that it would provide one thousand slaves to the army, weapons, and pack animals.

Turakhan advised the two Palaiologoi brothers to settle their differences and rule well, and then departed the peninsula.[32][33][36] Tribute was reinstated to the same levels, and the despots were to continue their vassalage as before. As for the rebel leaders, Bua was pardoned by Mehmet and later became a spokesperson for the Albanian people, Zaccaria ended up as a pensioner in Venice and later the Papal Court, while Kantakouzenos escaped and disappeared from history.[31]

Ottoman rule

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See also: Ottoman Albania and Ottoman Greece

Ottoman-Albanians in Western Thrace

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Main article: Albanians of Western Thrace

During the Ottoman Empire, Albanian communities migrated towards today's European Turkey (Eastern Thrace), especially near Istanbul.[37] The number of Albanians that resided in the region is unknown, as statistical data of the Ottoman Empire were based on religious identification (millets). Thus, the Orthodox Albanians were part of the Rûm millet, while Muslims were categorised alongside Turks.[38]

Among this population, Orthodox Albanians in Eastern Thrace resided in partly homogeneous communities, either villages or neighborhoods, and were mainly descendants of immigrants from the Korça region.[37] At the conclusion of the Greco-Turkish War of 1919–1922, Greece and Turkey signed the Treaty of Lausanne, which included a population exchange between the two countries. The treaty used religion as the indicator of national affiliation, thus including populations without ethnic provisions, even Albanians, in the population exchange. Under this treaty the Muslims of Greece were exchanged with the Christians of Turkey, with an exception of the Muslims of Western Thrace and the Christians of Istanbul.[39] Under this provision, the Albanian-speaking Orthodox community of Eastern Thrace relocated to Western Thrace, where the refugees settled mainly in new villages.[40]

Albanian Pashaliks, 1815-1821. The Pashalik of Yanina is colored in red (excluding the Morea Eyalet).

Pashalik of Yanina

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Main article: Pashalik of Yanina

The Pashalik of Yanina was an Albanian state ruled by Ali Pasha of Yanina, an Albanian from the city of Tepelenë. Its capital was Ioannina (Albanian: Janina), which along with Tepelenë were Ali’s Headquarters.[41] At its peak, Ali Pasha and his sons ruled over southern and central Albania, the majority of mainland Greece, including Epirus, Thessaly, West Macedonia, western Central Macedonia, Continental Greece (excluding Attica), and the Peloponnese, and parts of southwestern North Macedonia around Ohrid and Manastir. The subject population of Ali's domains was quite heterogeneous, including Albanians, Aromanians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Jews, Roma, Serbs, and Turks.[42]

Greek War of Independence

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See also: Greek War of Independence

During the Greek War of Independence, many Arvanites played an important role on fighting on the Greek side against the Ottomans, often as national Greek heroes. With the formation of modern nations and nation-states in the Balkans, Arvanites have come to be regarded as an integral part of the Greek nation. In 1899, leading representatives of the Arvanites in Greece, including descendants of the independence heroes, published a manifesto calling their fellow Albanians outside Greece to join in the creation of a common Albanian-Greek state.[43]

After the Greek War of Independence, Arvanites contributed greatly to the fulfilment of irredentist concept of Megali Idea which aimed to see all Greek populations in the Ottoman Empire freed and came to a halt with the end of the Greco-Turkish war in 1922.[44] Up to the early 20th century, Albanian, in the form of the Arvanitika dialect, was the main language of the Greek naval fleet, because a high proportion of its sailors came from Albanian-speaking islands of Greece.[45] For example, in Hydra men spoke both Albanian and Greek, with the former used to speak with each other and sing songs in the sea. Many women though spoke only Albanian.[46]

Native Albanian communities

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An Albanian of Greece, engraving by Robert Pollard, after a drawing by Edward Daniel Clarke, 1813.

Cham Albanians and Souliotes

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See also: Cham Albanians and Souliotes

Groups of Albanians are first recorded in Epirus during the high Middle Ages. Some of their descendants form the Cham Albanians, which formerly inhabited the coastal regions of Epirus, largely corresponding to Thesprotia. The Chams are primarily distinguished from other Albanian groups by their distinct dialect of Tosk Albanian, the Cham dialect, which is among the most conservative of the Albanian dialects.[citation needed] During the rule of the Ottoman Empire in Epirus, many Chams converted to Islam, while a minority remained Greek Orthodox.

The Souliotes were a distinct subgroup of Cham Albanians who lived in the Souli region, and were known for their role in the Greek War of Independence.

When Epirus joined Greece in 1913, following the Balkan Wars, Muslim Chams lost the privileged status they enjoyed during Ottoman rule and were subject to discrimination from time to time. During World War II, large parts of the Muslim Chams collaborated with the Axis occupation forces, committing atrocities against the local population.[7] In 1944, when the Axis withdrew, many Muslim Chams fled to Albania or were forcibly expelled by the EDES resistance group. This event is known as the expulsion of Cham Albanians.

Communities of Albanian descent

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Southern Greece

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Main article: Arvanites
Depiction of an Arvanite warrior with Albanian traditional clothing and equipment in a watercolor painting by Carl Haag (1861).[47]

The Arvanites are a population group in Greece who traditionally speak Arvanitika, a variety of Tosk Albanian. They descended from Albanian settlers who migrated to Greece during the late Middle Ages and were the dominant population element of some regions in the south of Greece until the 19th century.[48] Arvanites call themselves with the Old Albanian endonym arbëreshë,[49] and until the 19th century they were regarded as ethnically distinct from the Greeks.[50] Amongst the Arvanites, this difference was expressed in words such as shkljira for a Greek person and shkljerishtë for the Greek language that had until recent decades negative overtones.[51] These words in Arvanitika have their dialectal counterpart in the term shqa used by Northern Albanians for Slavs, also acquiring a pejorative connotation in modern times.[52] Ultimately these terms used amongst Albanian speakers originate from the Latin word sclavus which contained the traditional meaning of "the neighbouring foreigner".[52]

Arvanites played a major role in the Greek War of Independence, which led them to self-identify in the Greek nation and to be largely assimilated into mainstream Greek culture.[50][53][54] Although they retain their Arvanitic dialect and cultural similarities with Albanians, they refuse national connections with them and do not consider themselves an ethnic minority.[55][56] Albanian remained a "second language" in the Greek navy into the 20th century.[57] Arvanitika is endangered due to language shift towards Greek and large-scale internal migration to the cities in recent decades. The Arvanites are not considered an ethnic minority within Greece.

Epirus

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The victory of the Albanian tribes in the Battle of Achelous [14][15][16] left Epirus open to increasing Albanian migration. Albanian tribes soon conquered most of the region, except for Ioannina.[17] Arta was captured in 1367 or shortly after, becoming the centre of the Despotate of Arta, which lasted until 1416.[18]

Historically, aside from the Cham and Souliote settlements, Albanians have also formed communities in other areas of Epirus. Those Christian Albanians found in Epirus today identify with the Greek nation.[58] A small community is located in the Ioannina regional unit, where they form a majority in two villages of the Konitsa district.[59] Albanian communities also reside in the village of Plikati of Konitsa.[60] Although they are sometimes called Arvanites, their dialects are closer to the Tosk Albanian group rather than Arvanitika.

Albanian communities historically have inhabited Konitsa, Delvinaki, Pogoniani, Gorgopotamos, Mousiotitsa, the villages of Agia, Ammoudia, Anthousa, Kanallaki and Narkissos, as well as the village of Kastri, which are located in the regional units of Ioannina, Preveza and Thesprotia, respectively. In the western Ioannina district, Albanian was concentrated in the region known as Tsarkovista (divided between modern Dodoni and Ziros). The Albanian-speaking area included Zermi, Krania, Papadates, Rousatsa, Derviziana, Mousiotitsa.[61] In the mid 1800s Albanian was spoken in 33 out of 46 villages of Tsarkovista. In the late 19th century, the use of Albanian had decreased. Sirziana, Mousiotitsa, Derviziana and Zorista are described as being exclusively Albanian-speaking, while use of Albanian had stopped in Lippas, Toskesi, Gratsiana, Bariades, Kopanoi by 1888 according to contemporary Greek historian I. Labridis.[62]

Over the centuries, some groups of Albanians also settled in various villages of Zagori.[63] Most of the Albanian settlement in Zagori can be attributed to post-15th century settlement that resulted from labour gaps caused by the outward migration of locals,[63][64] as well as movements of groups like the Souliotes.[63] These Albanians (locally known as Arvanítes) were considered métoikoi 'immigrants'; they comprised the lowest social class in the region and lived at the outskirts of the villages without civil and property rights.[65] They often worked as guards for the villages which had no military protection, and as workers in their fields.[63][65] They intermarried into the communities of Zagori or were adopted by Zagorisian families and quickly became part of the local population.[63][64] In the case of Tristeno, although no memories are preserved among the local population of any past Albanian presence, Albanian linguistic remnants in the local Greek speech suggest that they were the first settlers of the village; this would also explain the local Aromanian name of the village, which is Arbineshi 'Albanian village'.[63][66] Besides Tristeno, Albanians also settled in the villages of Aristi, Megalo Papingo, Anthrakitis, Asprangeloi, Kavallari, Kipi, Leptokarya, Monodendri, Tsepelovo, Vitsa, Vradeto and possibly Kapesovo. Local Albanian traces, with the exception of some toponyms, have disappeared;[67] an extensive study of 3,546 toponyms in Zagori, found that 184 (5.19%) were mediated via the Albanian language.[68]

In the city of Ioannina, a substantial minority of Albanian-speakers existed who spoke a dialect intermediate between Cham and Lab.[69][verification needed] However, during Ottoman era the Albanian minority in the kaza of Ioannina did not consist of native families but was limited to some Ottoman public servants.[70]

Macedonia

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Villages of Florina with speakers of Arvanitika in yellow

The region of Macedonia also saw Albanian settlement. In the modern era only a small group of Christian, Albanian-speakers, speakers of a Northern Tosk Albanian dialect are still to be found in the villages of Drosopigi, Flampouro, Lechovo in Florina regional unit.[71] During the Ottoman era however, the Albanian population of the region was more widespread. These communities were largely found in and around the cities of Florina and Kastoria.

Muslim Albanians inhabited the city of Florina itself, along with the nearby villages of Pyli, Lefkonas, Laimos, Agios Germanos, Tropaiouchos, Kolchiki, Agios Vartholomaios, Kato Kleines, and Ano Kleines. The Turks of Skopia were Turkicized Albanians, the adults knew Albanian and the young only Turkish.

On the other hand, Christian Orthodox Albanians resided in the villages of Kato Ydroussa, Ano Ydroussa and Tripotamos, with these communities utilizing Albanian at least until the 1990s.

In Kastoria, Albanians in the city itself as well as the surrounding village of Giannochorio were Christian Orthodox, whereas Muslim Albanians inhabited the villages of Pefkos, Niki, Koromilia, Dipotamia, and Komninades.

In the area of Grevena, the village of Syndendro was inhabited by a Muslim Albanian population.

Following the October 1913 looting of the Albanian village of Mandritsa, Albanians settled the villages of Amparkioi (later renamed Mandres in their honor) in the Kilkis regional unit, as well as the villages of Souroti and Zagliveri in the Thessaloniki regional unit.

Sporadic Albanian communities, Christian Orthodox by faith, have further settled in other areas of Macedonia, including the villages of Nea Petra[citation needed], Kalochori[citation needed] and Paralimnoi[citation needed] in the Serres regional unit.

Those small Arvanite-speaking communities in Epirus and the Florina regional unit are identified as part of the Greek nation as well.[72]

Thessaly

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Thessaly was invaded after 1318 by the Albanian tribes of the Malakasioi, the Bua, and the Mazreku.[73] Traces of the Malakasioi are evident in the settlement of Malakasi, which takes the name of the tribe.

Western Thrace

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Main article: Albanians of Western Thrace

Another small group is to be found in northeastern Greece, in Greek Macedonia and Western Thrace along the border with Turkey, as a result of migration during the early 20th century. They speak the Northern Tosk subbranch of Tosk Albanian and are descendants of the Orthodox Albanian population of Eastern Thrace who were forced to migrate during the population exchange between Greece and Turkey in the 1920s.[74][75] They are known in Greece as Arvanites, a name applied to all groups of Albanian origin in Greece, but which primarily refers to the southern dialectological group of Arbëreshë. The Albanian speakers of Western Thrace and Macedonia use the common Albanian self-appellation Shqiptar.[75]

Post-Communist Albanian immigrants

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Albanian-Greek border

After the fall of the communist government in Albania in 1990, a large number of economic immigrants from Albania arrived in Greece seeking employment. There are seven major types of migration and return between Albania and Greece. The return could be prepared, or abrupt and forced, or voluntary. And these types also have flavors of being by necessity, or by choice, or by opportunity. There is also the idea that return is a 'success', when one has migrated away, gained wealth, and now returned.[76] Recent economic migrants from Albania are estimated to account for 60–65% of the total number of immigrants in the country. Systems of migration are established by way of a cumulative effect of previous migrations, in addition to current movements.[77] According to the 2001 census, there were 443,550 Albanian immigrants in Greece.[78] A special ID card for ethnic Greeks from Albania was issued in 2001 which was received by 189,000 individuals who resided in Greece at the time. For ethnic Greeks from Albania this measure was seen as treating them as "lower class citizens" as in order to obtain it their "Greekness" was examined in the form of a questionnaire. Another issue with the special ID card had to do with ethnic Albanians using fake documents which presented them as members of the Greek minority to obtain it.[79] In 2008, the citizenship law change in Greece allowed for holders of special ID cards to obtain Greek citizenship and about 45,000 did so just in the first three years of its implementation.[80] As of 2022, the number of Albanian citizens who are holders of special IDs as homogeneis (Greek co-ethnics) has been reduced to 13,329.[13]

In the 2011 census, 480,851 Albanian immigrants were recorded in Greece.[5] Accounting for non-permanent or irregular migration which constitutes up to 30% of Albanian immigrants in Greece, other estimates put their number closer to 600,000-670,000 (~6% of the total population of Greece).[81][6] Since the Greek economic crisis started in 2011, the total number of Albanians in Greece has fluctuated.[82] According to a study of 2012 conducted in Albania it is estimated that around 18%-22% Albanian immigrants returned to Albania the last five years.[83] As of 2019, Greece was the second top destination for Albanians, as movement to Greece constituted 35.3% of total Albanian immigration. Albanian immigrants are the largest immigrant community in Greece.[5] In recent years many Albanian workers and their families have left Greece for other countries in Europe in search of better prospects. In 2022, the number of Albanian citizens in Greece with a valid residency permit was 291,868; down from 422,954 in 2021. As of 2022, in total, there might have been more than 500,000 Albanian-born migrants and their children who received Greek citizenship over the years.[13]

After the first generation of Albanian migrants settled in Greece, second-generation Albanians who were either born or raised in Greece began to attend compulsory education. In 2004-2005, there were ca. 100,000 Albanian students in the Greek school system and they constituted 72% of migrant pupils (2002-2003). By 2011-2012 students of Albanian origin made up 77.6% of migrant pupils in Greece.[84]

Albanians have a long history of Hellenisation, assimilation and integration in Greece. Despite social and political problems experienced by the wave of immigration in the 1990s and 2000s, Albanians have integrated better in Greece than other non-Greeks.[85] A portion of Albanian newcomers change their Albanian name to Greek ones and their religion, if they are not Christian, from Islam to Orthodoxy.[86] Recent studies have shown that second generation immigrants have intricate, hybrid, circumstantial, and complex senses of identity. Which relate to feelings of acceptance or belonging.[87] Even before emigration, some Albanians from the south of Albania adopt a Greek identity including name changes, adherence to the Orthodox faith, and other assimilation tactics in order to avoid prejudices against migrants in Greece. In this way, they hope to get valid visas and eventual naturalization in Greece.[10]

Notable people

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For a more comprehensive list, see List of Albanians in Greece.

See also

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Footnotes

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  1. ^ Vathi, Zana. Migrating and settling in a mobile world: Albanian migrants and their children in Europe. Springer Nature, 2015.
  2. ^ Managing Migration: The Promise of Cooperation. By Philip L. Martin, Susan Forbes Martin, Patrick Weil
  3. ^ Iosifides, Theodoros, Mari Lavrentiadou, Electra Petracou, and Antonios Kontis. "Forms of social capital and the incorporation of Albanian immigrants in Greece." Journal of ethnic and migration studies 33, no. 8 (2007): 1343-1361.
  4. ^ Lazaridis, Gabriella, and Iordanis Psimmenos. "Migrant flows from Albania to Greece: economic, social and spatial exclusion." In Eldorado or Fortress? Migration in Southern Europe, pp. 170-185. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2000.
  5. ^ a b c d Speed, Madeleine; Alikaj, Arlis (2020). "Rights Denied: Albanians in Greece Face Long-Term Limbo". Balkan Insight.
  6. ^ a b Julie Vullnetari (2012). Albania on the Move: Links Between Internal and International Migration (PDF). Amsterdam University Press, 2012. p. 73. ISBN 9789089643551. To this, we need to add an estimate of irregular migrants; some Greek researchers have argued that Albanians have a rate of 30 per cent irregularity in Greece, but this is contested as rather high by others (see Maroukis 2009: 62). If we accept a more conservative share than that–e.g. 20 per cent–we come to a total of around 670,000 for all Albanian migrants in Greece in 2010, which is rather lower than that supplied by NID (Table 3.2). In a country with a total population of around eleven million, this is nevertheless a considerable presence: around 6 per cent of the total population
  7. ^ a b Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 702
  8. ^ Hart, Laurie Kain (1999). "Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece". American Ethnologist. 26: 196. doi:10.1525/ae.1999.26.1.196.
  9. ^ Armand Feka (2013-07-16). "Griechenlands verborgene Albaner". Wiener Zeitung. Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2016-03-02. Er lächelt und antwortet in einwandfreiem Griechisch: ‚Ich bin eigentlich auch ein Albaner.'
  10. ^ a b Lars Brügger; Karl Kaser; Robert Pichler; Stephanie Schwander-Sievers (2002). "Umstrittene Identitäten. Grenzüberschreitungen zuhause und in der Fremde". Die weite Welt und das Dorf. Albanische Emigration am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts = Zur Kunde Südosteuropas: Albanologische Studien. Vienna: Böhlau-Verlag. p. Bd. 3. ISBN 3-205-99413-2.
  11. ^ Lazaridis, Gabriella, and Iordanis Psimmenos. "Migrant flows from Albania to Greece: economic, social and spatial exclusion." In Eldorado or Fortress? Migration in Southern Europe, pp. 170-185. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2000.
  12. ^ "Ulet numri i emigrantëve shqiptarë në punët sezonale të Greqisë, pronarët rrisin pagat" [The number of Albanian immigrants in seasonal jobs in Greece decreases, the owners increase wages]. politiko.al (in Albanian). Retrieved 25 April 2023. [The official data published by the Greek government for September of this year [2022] show that there are 291 thousand 868 Albanian emigrants with valid residence permits in Greece, which make up about 61.4 per cent of the legal migrants. The data on the number of Albanians with legal residence permits for this year's September, show a significantly lower number compared to last year's [2021] September, where 425 thousand and 740 Albanians were in Greece with valid legal residences, which constituted about 63 per cent of foreigners in this country.]
  13. ^ a b c "Albanian Residents Leaving Greece for Wealthier Countries". In total, there could potentially be more than half a million Albanian-born individuals in Greece who along with their children have been granted Greek citizenship over the years.
  14. ^ a b Soustal & Koder 1981, pp. 70, 113–114.
  15. ^ a b Fine 1994, pp. 347–350.
  16. ^ a b Nicol 2010, pp. 123–138.
  17. ^ a b Fine 1994, pp. 350–351.
  18. ^ a b Soustal & Koder 1981, pp. 72–73, 114.
  19. ^ a b Nicol, Donald M. (1984). The Despotate of Epiros 1267–1479: A Contribution to the History of Greece in the Middle Ages. Cambridge University Press. pp. 146–147. ISBN 978-0-521-13089-9.
  20. ^ Fine 1994, p. 401.
  21. ^ a b Hammond, Nicholas G.L (1976). Migrations and invasions in Greece and adjacent areas. Noyes Press. p. 59. ISBN 978-0-8155-5047-1.
  22. ^ a b c d e f Fine 1994, pp. 356–357.
  23. ^ Sansaridou-Hendrickx 2017, p. 290.
  24. ^ a b Nicol, Donald M. (1984). The Despotate of Epiros 1267-1479: A Contribution to the History of Greece in the Middle Ages. Cambridge University Press. p. 169. ISBN 978-0-5212-6190-6.
  25. ^ Shields, Robin (2019). Trade and Diplomacy in the fifteenth-century Balkans: Carlo II Tocco and the Despotate of Arta (1429-1448) (PDF). University of London. pp. 64–65.
  26. ^ Braudel, Fernand (1995). The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean world in the age of Philip II Volume 2. p. 664. ISBN 0-520-20330-5
  27. ^ Fine, John V. A. Jr. (1994) [1987]. The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-10079-8. p. 356
  28. ^ Liakopoulos, Georgios C. (2019). The Early Ottoman Peloponnese: A study in the light of an annotated editio princeps of the TT10-1/14662 Ottoman taxation cadastre (ca. 1460–1463). Gingko. ISBN 978-1-909942-32-5. p.213
  29. ^ Cheetham, pp. 215-216
  30. ^ Ostrogorsky, p. 567
  31. ^ a b Cheetham, pp. 217-218
  32. ^ a b c d e Setton, Kenneth M. (1978). The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571), Volume II: The Fifteenth Century . Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society. ISBN 0-87169-127-2. pp. 147-148
  33. ^ a b c d Runciman, Steven (2009) [1980]. Lost Capital of Byzantium: The History of Mistra and the Peloponnese. Tauris Parke Paperbacks. ISBN 978-1-84511-895-2 pp. 79-80.
  34. ^ Venning, Timothy (2006). A Chronology of the Byzantine Empire. p. 728.
  35. ^ Biri, Costas (1997). Αρβανίτες, οι Δωριείς του Νεώτερου Ελληνισμού (in Greek). Μέλισσα. pp. 128–129. ISBN 960-204-031-9.
  36. ^ Nicol, Donald M. (1993).The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261-1453 (Second ed.). London: Rupert Hart-Davis Ltd. ISBN 0-246-10559-3. p. 396
  37. ^ a b Berisha, Mal (November 2000), Diaspora Shqiptare në Turqi (in Albanian), New York: ACCL Publishing, p. 13
  38. ^ Psomiades, Harry J. (2000), The Eastern question: the last phase : a study in Greek-Turkish diplomacy(2 ed.), Michigan: Pella Pub. Co., p. 138
  39. ^ Haddad, Emma (2008). The Refugee in International Society: Between Sovereigns. Cambridge University Press. p. 121. ISBN 978-0-521-86888-4.
  40. ^ Greek Helsinki Monitor (1995): "Report: The Arvanites". online report
  41. ^ Tanner 2014, Albania’s mountain queen: Edith Durham and the Balkans, p. 21: "That the word 'Albania' was known at all to the English-speaking public in the early nineteenth century was largely down to Byron, who passed through on his first expedition to Greece, aged 21. After reaching Patras in September 1809, he made a detour lasting several weeks to Ioannina, which now lies in Greece but was then considered the de facto capital of south-ern Albania, the honour normally being accorded to Shkodra in the north. He also visited Tepelena, which, alongside Ioannina, was the headquarters of the notorious warlord, Ali Pasha."
  42. ^ Howard, Douglas A. (2017). A History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge University Press. p. 234. ISBN 978-1-1081-0747-1.
  43. ^ First published in Ελληνισμός, Athens 1899, 195–202. Quoted in Gkikas 1978:7–9.
  44. ^ Panomitros, Dimitrios (2021). Ντρέδες: Στην πρώτη γραμμή της Ελληνικής Παλιγγενεσίας (in Greek). Militos. p. 76. ISBN 978-618-5438-80-7.
  45. ^ Milios, John (2023). Nationalism as a Claim to a State. BRILL. ISBN 978-90-04-53352-3. p. 32
  46. ^ Mazower, Mark (2023). The Greek Revolution: 1821 and the Making of Modern Europe. Penguin Books. p. 129.
  47. ^ Balta, Evangelia; Wittman, Richard (2019). "Historical comments on the Illustrations in the Harvard Fulgenzi Album of Lithographs (1836-38)". In Collaço, Gwendolyn (ed.). Prints and Impressions from Ottoman Smyrna: The Collection de Costumes Civils Et Militaires, Scènes Populaires, Et Vues de L'Asie-Mineure Album (1836-38) at Harvard University's Fine Arts Library. Memoria : fontes minores ad historiam Imperii Ottomanici pertinentes. Vol. 4. Max Weber Stiftung. p. 76. The 1861 depiction of an Arvanite warrior by Carl Haag at the Benaki Museum in Athens is but one of the more well-known such portrayals.
  48. ^ Trudgill (2000: 255).
  49. ^ Demiraj, Bardhyl (2010). "Shqiptar–The generalization of this ethnic name in the XVIII century". In Demiraj, Bardhyl (ed.). Wir sind die Deinen: Studien zur albanischen Sprache, Literatur und Kulturgeschichte, dem Gedenken an Martin Camaj (1925–1992) gewidmet [We are his people: Studies on the Albanian language, literature and cultural history, dedicated to the memory of Martin Camaj (1925–1992)]. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. pp. 534–536. ISBN 9783447062213.
  50. ^ a b Hall, Jonathan M. Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity. Cambridge University Press, 2000, p. 29, ISBN 0-521-78999-0.
  51. ^ Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. pp. 100–101. "The term /evjeni̇́stika/ meaning "polite", used by the young speaker to refer to Greek, is offered as synonymous to /shkljiri̇́shtika/ one of the various morphological shapes of the Arvanitika word /shkljeri̇́shtë/ which refers to "the Greek language". Thus, Greek is equated with the more refined, soft, and polite talk. The concept of politeness is occasionally extended from the language to its speakers who are the representatives of the urban culture. In conversations in Kiriaki, I heard the word /shklji̇́ra/ (fem.) referring to a city women who exhibits polite and fancy behavior according to the local view. As I stated in the introduction to this dissertation, most of the occurrences of the term /shkljeri̇́shtë/ are not socially marked, and simply refer to the Greek language. But a few are so marked and these are the ones that reflect the speakers' attitudes. The term /shkljeri̇́shtë/ is ambiguous. This ambiguity offers a valuable clue to the gradual shift in attitudes. It points to the more prestigious Greek language and culture, and also has a derogatory sense. In my data only the first meaning of the socially marked senses of the word occurs."; pp. 101–102. "The second meaning is offered by Kazazis in his description of the Arvanitika community of Sofikó, in the Peloponnese (1976:48): ... two older people from Sofiko told me independently that, to the not-so-remote past, it was those who spoke Greek with their fellow-Arvanites who were ridiculed. Even today, if an older inhabitant of Sofiko were to speak predominantly in Greek with his fellow villagers of the same age, he would be called i shkljerishtúarë, literally "Hellenized" but used here as a derogatory term denoting affectation. One of those two informants, a woman, said that, until about 1950, it was a shame for a girl in Sofiko to speak Greek with her peers, for that was considered as "putting on airs." In Spata, /shkljeri̇́shtë/ is used only to refer to "the Greek language" although speakers are aware of the other meanings of the word."
  52. ^ a b Pipa, Arshi (1989). The politics of language in socialist Albania. East European Monographs. p. 178. "North Albanian call Slavs shqé (sg. shqá <shkjá <shklá, from sclavus), whereas to Greco-Albanians shklerisht means 'in the Greek language.' Hamp observes that "obviously the meaning is traditionally 'the neighbouring foreigner,' as with Welsh, Vlah, etc.""
  53. ^ Botsi (2003: 90); Lawrence (2007: 22; 156)
  54. ^ Greek Helsinki Monitor - The Arvanites Archived 2016-10-03 at the Wayback Machine
  55. ^ Botsi (2003: 90); Lawrence (2007: 22; 156)
  56. ^ Greek Helsinki Monitor - The Arvanites Archived 2016-10-03 at the Wayback Machine
  57. ^ Costa Carras (2004). "Greek Identity: A Long View". In Maria Todorova (ed.). Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory. New York University Press. p. 320. Greek speaking Muslims were indeed inassimilable into the body of post-independence Hellenes while Albanian speaking Orthodox played a crucial role in the war of independence, and Albanian was a second language in the Greek navy into the twentieth century... Orthodox Albanians' relationship to the Greek tradition has however remained fluid.
  58. ^ Hart, Laurie Kain (1999). "Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece". American Ethnologist. 26: 196. doi:10.1525/ae.1999.26.1.196. Archived from the original on 2014-11-12. Retrieved 2017-09-08. Speaking Albanian, for example, is not a predictor with respect to other matters of identity .. There are also long standing Christian Albanian (or Arvanitika speaking) communities both in Epirus and the Florina district of Macedonia with unquestioned identification with the Greek nation. .. The Tschamides were both Christians and Muslims by the late 18th century [in the 20th century, Cham applies to Muslim only]
  59. ^ Euromosaic project (2006). "L'arvanite/albanais en Grèce" (in French). Brussels: European Commission. Archived from the original on 2009-01-01. Retrieved 2009-03-16.
  60. ^ Korhonen, Jani; Makartsev, Maxim; Petrusevka, Milica; Spasov, Ljudmil (2016). "Ethnic and linguistic minorities in the border region of Albania, Greece, and Macedonia: An overview of legal and societal status" (PDF). Slavica Helsingiensia. 49: 28. In several Albanian villages in Epirus (e.g., Plikati in the Ioannina district), the people of Albanian origin are sometimes called Arvanites, although there is an essential difference between them and the Arvanites of central and southern Greece. The Arvanitika-speaking villages form language island(s), as they are not connected geographically to the main Albanian-speaking area, whereas the villages in Epirus border Albanian-speaking territory and thus share more linguistic traits of the type that emerged later in the more extensive Tosk-inhabited territory.
  61. ^ Kokolakis 2003, p. 51.
  62. ^ Baltsiotis 2009, p. 37.
  63. ^ a b c d e f Kahl 1999, pp. 113–114
  64. ^ a b Kahl 1999, p. 117: "Die durch die Auswanderungen entstandenen Bevölkerungslücken füllten zugewanderte orthodoxe Albaner (Arvaniten), die verschiedene Hilfsarbeiten in den fast männerleeren Dörfern übernahmen und schnell in der übrigen Bevölkerung aufgingen."
  65. ^ a b Tsefos 2001, p. 15: "Οι μέτοικοι (Αρβανίτες, Σουλιώτες και κάτοικοι από την περιοχή Λάκκα Σουλίου), που εργαζόταν σαν μισθοφόροι οπλίτες και εργάτες στα χωράφια των Ζαγορίσιων, και οι Γύφτοι (σιδεράδες-μουσικοί) αποτελούσαν τα χαμηλότερα κοινωνικά στρώματα και ζούσαν στα όρια του οικισμού, χωρίς να έχουν πολιτικά δικαιώματα και ιδιοκτησία."
  66. ^ Koukoudis 2003, p. 161
  67. ^ Kahl 1999, p. 115: "Die Spuren der Albaner bzw. Arvaniten sind mit Ausnahme der albanischen Toponyme verschwunden."
  68. ^ Oikonomou 1986, p. 971
  69. ^ Xhufi, Pëllumb (February 2006). "Çamët ortodoks". Studime Historike (in Albanian). 38 (2). Albanian Academy of Sciences.
  70. ^ Vakalopoulos, Kōnstantinos Apostolou (2003). Historia tēs Ēpeirou: apo tis arches tēs Othōmanokratias hōs tis meres mas [History of Epirus: From Ottoman Rule to Present (in Greek). Hērodotos. p. 547. ISBN 9607290976. Στον καζά των Ιωαννίνων που συγκροτούνταν από 225 χωριά, δεν ζούσε καμιά αλβανική οικογένεια εκτός από κάποιους Αλβανούς υπαλλήλους .
  71. ^ Albanian, Tosk at Ethnologue (25th ed., 2022) Closed access icon
  72. ^ Laurie Kain Hart. Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece. Archived 2014-11-12 at the Wayback Machine American Ethnologist, Vol. 26, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), pp. 196-220. (article consists of 25 pages). Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association "There are also long standing... unquestioned identification with the Greek nation."
  73. ^ Sansaridou-Hendrickx 2017, p. 289.
  74. ^ Greek Helsinki Monitor (1995): "Report: The Arvanites".
  75. ^ a b Euromosaic (1996): "L'arvanite / albanais en Grèce". Report published by the Institut de Sociolingüística Catalana.
  76. ^ Gemi & Triandafyllidou 2021, p. 3.
  77. ^ Gemi & Triandafyllidou 2021, p. 14.
  78. ^ Mediterranean Migration Observatory - Tables Archived March 25, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
  79. ^ Κonsta, Anna-Maria; Lazaridis, Gabriella (2010). "Civic Stratification, 'Plastic' Citizenship and 'Plastic Subjectivities' in Greek Immigration Policy". Journal of International Migration and Integration / Revue de l'integration et de la migration internationale. 11 (4): 365. doi:10.1007/s12134-010-0150-8. S2CID 143473178.
  80. ^ Adamczyk, Artur (June 15, 2016). "Albanian Immigrants in Greece From Unwanted to Tolerated?" (PDF). Journal of Liberty and International Affairs. 2 (1): 53.
  81. ^ Martin, Philip L.; Martin, Susan Forbes; Weil, Patrick (28 March 2018). Managing Migration: The Promise of Cooperation. Lexington Books. ISBN 9780739113417 – via Google Books.
  82. ^ "More than 130,000 Albanians have left Greece since 2011, as crisis, prejudice persist | Three Five Five Magazine". Archived from the original on 2015-07-21. Retrieved 2015-07-19.
  83. ^ Library, Civil Society. "Albanian Greek relations from the eyes of the Albanian public- perceptions 2013". Albanian Institute for International Studies. Friedrich Erbert Stiftung: 7. Retrieved 18 December 2022.
  84. ^ Tsokalidou, Roula; Gkaintartzi, Anastasia; Markou, Evi (2013). "Le bilinguisme se développe en Grèce : résultats de recherches et pratiques préscolaires alternatives du groupe « Polydromo »". In Hélot, Christine; Petit, Jean-Marie (eds.). Développement du langage et plurilinguisme chez le jeune enfant. éditions érès. p. 2. doi:10.3917/eres.helot.2013.01.0123. ISBN 978-2-7492-3874-6. Selon les chiffres officiels du ministère grec de l'Éducation, en 2004-2005, environ 140 000 élèves migrants et Grecs rapatriés constituaient presque 10 % de la population scolaire grecque totale (1 449 032) [IPODE, 2006]. La majorité de ces étudiants est d'origine albanaise ; en 2002-2003, 72 % des élèves migrants dans les écoles grecques étaient de nationalité albanaise (IPODE, 2006). Selon les données disponibles les plus récentes (Revithiadou, 2012), le nombre d'étudiants d'origine albanaise a atteint 77,6 % durant l'année scolaire 2012-2011.
  85. ^ Labrianidis, Lois, and Antigone Lyberaki. "Back and forth and in between: returning Albanian migrants from Greece and Italy." Journal of International Migration and Integration/Revue de l'integration et de la migration internationale 5, no. 1 (2004): 77-106.
  86. ^ Armand Feka (2013-07-16). "Griechenlands verborgene Albaner". Wiener Zeitung. Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2016-03-02. Er lächelt und antwortet in einwandfreiem Griechisch: ‚Ich bin eigentlich auch ein Albaner.'
  87. ^ Gemi & Triandafyllidou 2021, p. 86.

References

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